Heterogeneity and HBC Seafarers, 1508-1920

This discussion confirms multiplicity as a feature of HBC transoceanic shipping: first by recounting the varied origins of HBC sailors, pilots, and seafaring intermediaries; then by highlighting, and supplying explanation for the presence of workers native to North America aboard HBC vessels — thereby demonstrating that seafaring complicated interaction between the margins and centres of European institutional projects.

Geographer J.M. Blaut has argued that from the 1500s onward, maritime activity on the North Atlantic constituted a spatial revolution that “centrated” capitalism in Europe.[1] Seafarers, as transport workers in the relations of production of the “merchant-mercantile” system, were part of the means of diffusing diverse people, including labourers, merchants, and migrants; an array of material things such as ships, commodities and produce, musical instruments, and printed texts; and a mélange of ideas pertaining to technology, economy, religion, and all aspects of the social realm. The sailors who “intimately connected” ocean ports “in a tight network of trade,” which “flowed in all directions, in a constant criss-cross diffusion,” were themselves diverse.[2] As Dick Wilson, historian of HBC sailors of the Pacific Slope has noted, “In the great green ocean, national boundaries seemed to have little meaning. The sailors of the world indiscriminately populated the fleets of all nations.”[3] Using Edward W. Said’s terminology, their mingling in the HBC workplace was “integrative”: sailors of different geographical and cultural origins, including imperialist subjects and those subject to imperialism and colonialism, worked together aboard ship, actively learning about opportunities and weighing constraints.[4] Working aboard HBC ships was potentially as illuminating an experience as was that afforded aboard other vessels traversing the Atlantic world.

Recounting the varied origins of HBC sailors, pilots, and seafaring intermediaries

While the HBC’s penchant for record keeping points to a wide range of sailor origins, additional factors including sailor mobility, systems of reporting, and loss of records leave the origins of many unclear. Presumably, on the early voyages, most sailors on HBC ships were from England. Through to 1920, sailors to Hudson Bay were, as a matter of course, contracted in London to see Company ships out of the river. Thus, employment records that list parishes of origin refer to places such as Deptford, Adelborough, and Berwick-on-Tweed. There are, however, no complete lists of Company servants – including sailors – prior to 1774. After that date, places of origin were not listed routinely until about 1790. In the early period, therefore, nothing officially distinguishes who was natively English from who was not. Even after 1790, the record base is often vague. Listing a sailor as “of” a particular location does not necessarily indicate a sailor’s birthplace. It may as readily indicate the last place of residence ashore, the current location of next of kin, or the home port of the previous voyage.[5]

Beginning in 1702, when Captain Michael Grimington Sr. in the Hudson’s Bay [II] picked up Orcadian recruits “to make up for the failure to hire sufficient men in England,” HBC captains recruited sailors  in Stromness for the ocean crossing.[6] Into the twentieth century, employment records of HBC sailors included numerous references to places of origin in the Orkney Islands, including Stromness, Birsay, and South Ronaldshay. The records also list boatmen from Shetland, from ports of mainland Scotland such as Peterhead, and seamen such as Jeremiah McCarthy, aboard the Prince Rupert [VI] in 1848, from Ireland. In addition, there were seafarers from Wales, such as ship’s surgeon Thomas Thomas, in 1789, and George Henry Mead, master of the steamships Pelican, Discovery, and Nascopie from 1918 to 1921.[7]

The mobility of sailors meant that while in London, or in ports of the Scottish isles, mariners who had voyaged from more distant ports could also contract for HBC voyages. Thus, HBC records show sailors such as Johan Michelson, who worked his passage “on foredeck” to Moose Factory in 1852 and listed his parish of origin as Norway.[8] Frederick Hope, from Finland, sailed the Labrador coast for the Company from 1866 to 1868. In 1890, a year before cessation of the Company’s “official connection” with Orkney (one that had been maintained through an onsite recruiting agent) Alfred Alexander Mitchell of St. Petersburg, Russia, entered HBC service as an engineer aboard the SS Erik, serving in the same capacity in 1901 aboard the SS Pelican.[9] Some three decades earlier, Isaac Cowie had remarked that the crew of the Prince Rupert [VII] included individuals who had sailed to, and were originally from, places “all over the globe.”[10] According to Franklin Remington of Cambridge, Massachusetts, who worked his passage from Hudson Bay to London on the Prince Rupert [VIII] two decades after Cowie, his shipmates “consisted of all nationalities – Dutchmen, Norwegians, English, Irish, Australians, Swedes and –mirable dictu – all bossed by a coal black negro from Jamaica.”[11]

The variety of sailors listed on other nineteenth-century transoceanic HBC routes, as well as correspondence from eighteenth-century ships’ masters, suggest that the Company recruited according to convenience: sailors were hired to meet labour needs whenever they were needed, wherever they were readily found, at all ports of call.[12] Thus, records of HBC shipping activity on the Pacific Slope show native-born pilots such as Chief Comcomly of Chinook, Washington Territory, in addition to sailors from the Sandwich Islands, such as Joseph Poalie Friday of “Woahoo.”[13] Both Alexander John Weynton, master of the Cowlitz from 1846 to 1851 and John Fawcus, second mate of the Princes Royal in 1860, were from Jamaica.[14]

One explanation for the varied HBC workforce is that the London Committee continuously looked to hire cheap labour. Although captains and crew were more concerned that sailors demonstrate competence, both mariners and Company overseers counted familiarity with the conditions, people, and languages encountered on a route as valuable attributes. The presence aboard ships bound for Hudson Bay both of sailors who had adopted North America as their home – such as Pierre-Esprit Radisson – and of seafarers who were native to North America suggests that from the first voyages the Company assumed familiarity with distant locales conferred competence.[15] Médard Chouart, Sieur Des Groseilliers, aboard the Nonsuch in 1668, for instance, was not the only seafarer with direct knowledge of the continent. Captain Zachary Gillam was born in Boston, New England, while surgeon Pierre Romieux, may have been “a native of Trois Rivières, Quebec.”[16]

Sailors of French heritage and North American geographical origins doubtless continued to serve aboard HBC ships in Hudson Bay well after Radisson’s time, but the nature and volume of available HBC personnel records do not make distinguishing sailors on the basis of cultural markers such as language and religion easy. The Company did not normally make note of either quality in their maritime workforce.[17] Nor do Company notations of Canadian or Quebec parishes of origin supply clear indications of cultural antecedents – particularly after 1821 when HBC operations officially included a Canadian component.[18] As the clerks who compiled HBC records often entered names phonetically, or copied them from sometimes barely legible sources, establishing linkages between servants lists, ships’ logs, and portledge books is difficult – especially as many servants shared, or had similar given and surnames.[19] There are, therefore, sailors whose names suggest French heritage, but whose antecedents are currently unknown. Henry Lequet, for example served aboard the Prince of Wales [II] in 1860. That same year, Michael Roulie and R.H. Pigott were crew on the Prince Arthur. In 1866, James Campeau served on Prince Rupert [VII], and John W. Bagot served on the SS Labrador, which sailed for Hudson Strait out of Quebec.[20]

Aside from indicating French participation in the ‘English Atlantic,’ the presence of the above mentioned sailors suggests an ongoing North American participation due to hiring on the basis of familiarity with conditions encountered – as does the presence of Newfoundland seamen. Captain Richard Hayward Taylor, of Harbour Grace, for example, entered Company service in 1918 as captain of the Fort York on the voyage to and from Nelson River that year.[21] Mariners of Newfoundland, whether working at “fishing, sealing, the fur trade, or whaling,” had long been expert in cold-water sailing and ice navigation because of the island’s location with respect to the Labrador Current, which determined natural conditions in the Labrador fishery and the seal hunt.[22] Yet, historiographical references to such North American seafarers — both as sailors and as native to North American seaboards from 1508 to 1920 – are rare. The list of those about whom at least some historians have commented includes independent whaler Captain George Comer, in Hudson Bay from 1903 to 1919, and Captain Joseph Elzéar Bernier of the Canadian Geological Survey ship Arctic in 1904 and 1908. Comer, like Bernier, was born in Quebec.[23] The Bartletts of Brigus, Newfoundland – particularly Robert Abram Bartlett, but also Samuel, Harry, John, and Moses – have had mention as mariners and sealers who sailed northwards, in and around Hudson Bay and Strait.[24] Then there is Colin Robertson Sinclair, another sealer out of Newfoundland with HBC connections, who “for six years navigated the waters of the bay and strait,” and eventually captained his own ship in the China trade.[25]

Born in Rupert’s Land in 1816, to HBC factor William Sinclair and country wife Nahoway/Margaret, Colin was an uncle of Harriet Cowan whose comments on transatlantic voyages figure in Opportunities in Transit: HBC Ships as Sites of Social Process. Colin Sinclair’s first crossing of the Atlantic aboard an HBC ship – at six years of age to complete his schooling in Orkney like his older brother James – predated by some forty years the voyage of Cowan’s children (who were James Sinclair’s grandchildren), who sailed for the same purpose.[26]

Similarly, William Kennedy, born 1814 in Rupert’s Land – brother and uncle of Mary Kennedy and Alexander Christie respectively (both of whom are likewise mentioned in Opportunities in Transit: HBC Ships as Sites of Social Process) – sailed to Scotland in 1825 to complete his studies.[27] From 1838 to 1846, Kennedy served the HBC at posts in the Ungava district serviced by coastal ships. He must have gained considerable expertise as a slooper, because by 1848 he was an independent fisher and captain of a vessel on Lake Huron. His experience sailing in waters off Petitsikapau/Fort Nascopie and Fort Siveright on the Labrador coast, as well as off Fort Chimo, in Ungava Bay, appears to have served him well.  Kennedy was commended, by “the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland” as “one of the intelligent travellers” of Northern waters, and from 1851 to 1856 he commanded two sailing expeditions to the Arctic in search Franklin.[28]

Kennedy and Sinclair were not the only native-born of the Hudson Bay region to take up sailing. Isaac Cowie, for example, observed on arrival at York Roads that the crews aboard the schooner Marten and the coastal boat sent out from the fort to fetch the packet from the Prince Rupert included men “with the bronzed visages, brown eyes and long black hair of the North American Indians.”[29] Although academic historiography acknowledges Aboriginal participation in the HBC workforce, the existence of these sailors, let alone their experience, has received virtually no attention.[30]

Previous academic studies of HBC workers indicate that from its inception, the Company employed people native to North America in ever-increasing numbers as the fur trade expanded. A point noted by Harold A. Innis, and later elaborated upon by Arthur J. Ray, is that from the formalized beginning of the HBC enterprise in 1670, the producers of the primary product – furs – were born in North America. In addition, according to Carol Judd, John Nicks, and Edith I. Burley, by the 1830s, of the formally contracted seasonal and permanent labour force, at least one third were people native to North America. By 1850, the proportion had risen to one half. Similarly, Glyndwr Williams has determined that by the 1860s, the North American-born filled about one third of the officer ranks of the Northern Department. Burley contends that by 1870, workers born in Rupert’s Land “were in the majority there.”[31] Historians D.N. Sprague and R.P. Frye, and archivists Judith Hudson Beattie and Helen M. Buss have documented what extended comments and passing references in numerous other sources attest: HBC employees native to Rupert’s Land/Western Canada were familiar with Company watercraft, including inland, coastal and ocean-going vessels. Beattie and Buss estimate that at least seventeen percent of HBC crew voyaging to the Columbia District between 1820 and 1857 were native to North America. Historically, then, Northern North Americans contributed to the making of workers’ history, and, as in other maritime regions, Northern transoceanic shipping was not the exclusive preserve of European-born workers.[32] It is reasonable to expect, therefore, that between 1508 and 1920, along with Sinclair, Kennedy, and the sloopers observed by Cowie, additional individuals from Hudson Bay took to the sea.

Explanation for the presence of workers native to North America aboard HBC vessels

Evidence of historical precedence for Aborignal participation in transatlantic voyaging supplies both a reason to consider Aboriginal presence on board HBC ships and an explanation for that presence. Native North Americans had arrived in Europe prior to the advent of HBC voyaging. Tales of Zierik, a seaborne, colonizing Inuit, that date his arrival in Zeeland to A.D. 849, are still commemorated in Zierikzee, Netherlands – a town named for his enterprise.[33] Traditions that present Inuit and Amerindians as sea borne ‘newcomer’ founders of European settlement are not the norm. More common are tales of captivity, forced transportation, and exploitation. The stories are also marked by their preservation in formal documentary records devised to serve commercial and imperial interests, as invoices and as evidence for asserting rights of access or ownership when resources were contested.

Commercial records used to establish claims of ownership of resources preserve the earliest written reports of seafaring in which individuals native to northern regions of North America figure. The first known report dates to England in 1500. An expedition to “Newe ffound Ile land” organized that year by Bristol merchants returned “iii men takyn [sic],” possibly members of a Beothuk band.[34] The men resided in England for several years, perhaps in Westminster Palace under the auspices of Henry VII, otherwise, their fate is unknown.[35] Portugal similarly preserved a competing and parallel claim. After the voyage of Gaspar Corte Real in 1501, the one ship of three to complete that mission returned to port reputedly carrying the first people native to ‘Labrador’ to see the Iberian Peninsula. They were captive evidence of landfall having been made; were again possibly Beothuk; and perhaps numbered as many as fifty-seven individuals, but possibly as few as seven. Sold as slaves to defray the costs of the voyage, reportedly they died shortly thereafter.[36]

France also documented ownership by virtue of ‘discovery.’ Domagaya and Taignoagny, two ‘Laurentian Iroquois’ of the Gaspé region, while in company with Jacques Cartier in 1534 and 1535, voyaged to and from France as ‘interpreters’ to people of a ‘non-Christian King.’ Cartier’s account notwithstanding, their subsequent forced removal to France in 1536 – along with their father, Donnacona, three additional adults, and seven young children – suggests their first voyage had not been entirely voluntary. As only one child among their group survived long enough to have been able to sail back on Cartier’s next available ship in 1541, it is doubtful that Domagaya and Taignoagny unreservedly enjoyed the second journey and the re-exposure to courtly curiosity.[37]

That inhabitants of exploitable regions were curiosities, foreign enough to justify their subjugation, was a message propounded in Europe through the medium of display.[38] In 1567, a woman and child evidently taken by French Basque sailors in “Nova Terra” – suggesting Labrador – arrived in Zeeland. They toured at least as far as Antwerp and the Hague as ‘spectacles’ for an indeterminate period. In 1576 and 1577, Martin Frobisher transported Inuit of Baffin Island to England. The first, a male ‘hostage,’ who had been taken aboard the Gabriel with his kayak, died within weeks of landing. The following year, a second man along with a woman and her infant – known as Kalicho, Armaq and Nutaaq respectively – returned as captives aboard the Ayde to Bristol. Their experience in England was likewise brief, all died within months of arrival.[39]

Although premature death is a feature of many stories about those destined for slavery and exhibition, some ‘exotic’ visitors survived extended encounters with the ‘Old World.’[40] Squanto of Patuxet, for example, voyaged as a slave to Málágá, Spain in 1614, escaping from thence to England where he lived for two years with John Slany/Slainie, treasurer of the Newfoundland Company. Squanto then sailed for the Cuper’s Cove/Cupids plantation in Newfoundland, stayed to 1618, returned to England, and arrived back in New England the following year. While the exact circumstances of Squanto’s voyaging with respect to his freedom of choice are unknown, other accounts suggest not all voyagers to Europe were slaves, or perceived as irremediably ‘other.’[41]

Arrivals of people native to North America in Europe continued unabated after the date of the HBC founding.[42] While some individuals, such as an Inuit kayaker seen off the Isle of Eda, Orkney in 1682, may have viewed European shores unhappily – if, for example, their journeys were made in response to accident, or to effect an escape – increasingly North Americans arrived of their own volition.[43] Additionally, as more people native to North America survived childhood exposure to viruses that were endemic in Europe, and that were gradually becoming so in North America, the number vulnerable to succumbing to European diseases in adulthood decreased. Death, if it might be a feature of visiting Europe, was equally markedly a feature of staying in North America.[44] Mikak, for example — a “beautiful, highly intelligent young Inuit woman” of Chateau Bay, Labrador — along with her son, Tutauk, survived a year-long residence in London, England, from 1768 to 1769 at the abode of mariner Francis Lucas of Ireland.[45] Hugh Palliser, governor of Newfoundland and Labrador, had arranged the visit in the hope that Mikak would agree to act as an intermediary between people of Labrador and trading concerns out of England. The aforementioned represent relatively well-known and documented instances of eastward transoceanic travel from North America. With Transatlantic Encounters, published in 2006, Alden T. Vaughan, recounted “approximately 175 Indians and Inuits [sic] who are known to have journeyed to the British Isles between about 1500, when the first documented case occurred, and 1776.”[46] There was nothing particularly unusual, therefore, about those native to North America with access to HBC ships taking transport aboard them.

Examination of documents pertaining to HBC personnel reveals that along with formally recruited, sanctioned, and recorded instances of seafaring by individuals native to North America aboard HBC vessels, there were informal instances. Informal decision making, reflective of agency on the part of HBC servants, was commonplace and necessary given the spatial remove of the London Committee and consequent temporal lag that marked their formal directives. The HBC allowed that captains and crews were free to respond to contingency according to their own best judgment. Contingency sometimes, therefore, rendered ineffectual Committee attempts to ‘order’ servant behaviour.[47]

That the London Committee was not privy to all arrangements made by distant individuals to board Company ships, though its members might eventually learn of such instances, is evident from what information remains of the first formal voyage in 1670. In 1708, historian John Oldmixon recounted a condensed version of Thomas Gorst’s transcription of events related to him by governor and de facto master of the Wivenhoe, Charles Bayly – who had previously lived for approximately twenty-five years in North America. The whereabouts of the original transcript and its exact contents are unknown.[48] Oldmixon’s account describes seven men as the first individuals of Hudson Bay to voyage any distance aboard an HBC ship. They were picked up in July 1671 by Bayly, who was exploring, via ship, the coastline from the Albany River to Cape Henrietta Maria. He had “spy’d a great Smoak [sic],” on a point of land, stood in for it, and found the men in distress. Bayly’s act of transporting the group to Equon, a small river to the south, does not appear to have alleviated their situation. On arrival, they “saw the Bodies of some Indians dead on the Ground. There had been a great Mortality among them, and several were starv’d to Death for want of Food.” It is not clear whether the seven men stayed on board the ship, although within a week of the incident, Bayly reportedly ordered a “Washahoe, or New Severn Indian,” [italics in source] who had been acting as pilot, to be put ashore, because “he hated so much to see the Compass, that he was very troublesome to the Crew.”[49] The negative interaction, in this early instance between an informally engaged pilot and a formally engaged HBC ship’s crew, did not spell the end of Company captains taking on Aboriginal people as pilots. It presaged what would become a longstanding practice.[50]

For most of the period 1508-1920, people native to Hudson Bay and associated waters were engaged to safely pilot ships along courses not ‘known’ to newcomers. Newcomer understanding of the area’s geography was imperfect and navigation was purported to be “very dangerous and troublesome.”[51] Initial inexperience, combined with a strategy of secrecy, such as that which the HBC reputedly pursued into the eighteenth century, doubtless contributed to geographic ignorance and a need for native pilots aboard ‘newcomer’ vessels.[52] Over time, the generation of adequate sailing instructions, or charts, would have diminished the need for native pilots somewhat, as some sailors not native to the region acquired through experience sufficient expertise to pilot their vessels themselves. Nevertheless, because hydrographical information – published or otherwise – about large areas of the Bay and associated waters remained sketchy into the twentieth-century, increases in voyages of exploration, and the introduction of competitive trading, fishing, and whaling ventures at various times guaranteed an ongoing role for native, sea-savvy coastal pilots and guides.[53]

The first recorded transatlantic voyage from Hudson Bay to England entered into by Aboriginal individuals occurred in 1673 – again under arrangements negotiated by Bayly. The reference base is not clear on the identities of – or stories about – the two men who embarked with him. Only one name, ‘Prince Attash,’ attached to the individual aboard the Prince Rupert [I], remains. The anonymous man aboard the Shaftesbury died before reaching England. Details of Attash’s stay are sparse. Sir John Kirke apparently oversaw it “most of the time,” although Attash also resided with “Captain Tatum, a servant of the Company.” The expense – including the furnishing of an attendant and new clothes – amounted to “₤86, 18s. 11d,” and was borne by the HBC.[54] Described as “a very lusty man,” Attash survived his visit, returning to Hudson Bay on the outward voyage of 1676.[55] If the appellation ‘Prince’ indicates he was not a slave, it also indicates the London Committee did not accord him a station higher than that of Company governor, Prince Rupert. HBC records do not state whether the two actually met, or in what rounds of amusement Attash might have participated. The Company ledger listing his account shows no entries that suggest he was widely exhibited as a curiosity. Historian E.E. Rich opined “No doubt he was brought over, as other chiefs were brought before and after his time, in order that, being suitably impressed, he might become a useful intermediary with his people.”[56] Attash’s impressions are unknown. Nevertheless, the importance of engaging people adapt at circumventing language barriers, interpreting behaviours, and enhancing cross-cultural communication for the purpose of forwarding trade was obviously an early consideration and not restricted to encounters ashore. There was a seaborne component to take into account.

Evidence of historical precedence for Aborignal participation in transatlantic voyaging suggests that from a Company perspective, regardless of origin, sailors were valued if they proved willing, useful, and able. Unlike the East India Company, which hired crew according to separate sets of articles, thereby distinguishing between ‘European’ sailors and non-European ‘lascars,’ the HBC took no formal steps that indicate it segmented the seagoing workforce according to origin.[57] During the Napoleonic Wars, the Company recorded such details as height and fitness of new recruits, but without any particular criteria for describing the latter. Evaluations include observations such as “stout. ‘Very good both active & industrious’ and ‘An excellent and trustworthy man’,” or “slender. ‘Sober, honest and ready, active and obedient … active, spirited’ [sic: punctuation in source].”[58] Terms that clearly racialized workers are absent.

The traffic on the Northern North Atlantic HBC ocean arc comprised a two-way transatlantic path between geographically distinct landward locations on which differing social and cultural norms had developed. Recounting the heterogeneity of the Company’s maritime workforce reveals that opportunity existed for individuals who were native to North America, including those of communities of the Northern Seaboard, to go to sea and work aboard seagoing vessels. HBC ships were, therefore, historically significant as transitional spaces of communication: following Pred, Blaut, and Said, the implication being that through interpersonal contact and observation in the workplace, sailors experienced a potentially integrative political-economic and socio-cultural process firsthand. Ships to Hudson Bay: Origins of Vessels and Frequency of Voyages, 1508–1920 and Ships in Hudson Bay as Vehicles of Communication, 1508 – 1920 point out that over 1,000 vessels sailed in Hudson Bay between 1508 and 1920. If the number of sailors per vessel is estimated at between ten and twenty crew members, then upwards of ten to twenty thousand individuals actively participated in this process. Depending on what paths their subsequent activities followed, their participation in intercontinental communication might have had widespread, if subtle, consequences. In addressing the question of who worked aboard HBC ships, this essay confirms that there was nothing simple about the communication advanced by seafarers transported in Company ships. It demonstrates that, in Hudson Bay as elsewhere, consideration of sailors as active agents of communication complicates depiction of the dynamic of interaction between the margins and centres of European institutional projects. North Americans were not, as nineteenth-century “centre-periphery models of the world” implied, merely passive recipients of European dissemination to the margins of empire.[59] Not only did the North American-born participate in intercontinental communication, they worked at it, sailing in company with, even commanding, sailors of an economically centrated Atlantic world that was integral to a geographically and culturally multiplicate ocean sea.

[1] J.M. Blaut, The Colonizers’ Model of the World: Geographical Diffusionism and Eurocentric History (New York: Guilford Press, 1993), 180–181. Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 9, 80–83, 220, agrees. Dating nascent English imperialism to 1150, he notes, “There were established English offshore interests in Ireland, America, the Caribbean, and Asia from the sixteenth century on.” He characterizes the late eighteenth century as a time of “battle for strategic gains abroad” between France and Britain, argues consolidation of “programmatic colonial expansion” followed, and classifies “Modern England before the age of Empire” as between 1800 and 1870. Citing Raymond Williams, Said observes, “After 1880, there comes a ‘dramatic extension of landscape and social relations’: this corresponds more or less exactly with the great age of empire.” Following Said, for the purpose of my argument, imperialism is “the practice, the theory, and the attitudes of a dominating metropolitan centre ruling a distant territory; ‘colonialism,’ which is almost always a consequence of imperialism, is the planting of a settlement in a distant territory.” David Siddle, ed., “Introduction,” Migration, Mobility and Modernization, Liverpool Studies in European Population Series (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), 1, notes that historians use the term modernization principally to signal alteration in the mode of production.

[2] Blaut, The Colonizers’ Model of the World, 15, 55, 149 n. 173, 166–173, 176–177, 203–204, credits Eric Williams with establishing that “non-Europe had played a central role in modernization itself.” Frank Viviano, “China’s Great Armada,” National Geographic 208, no. 1 (July 2005), 28–53, also makes the point that in some regions, European-born workers did not predominate in maritime shipping. Marcus Rediker, Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea: Merchant Seamen, Pirates and the Anglo-American Maritime World, 17001750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 76, 80, 156 n. 7, 175, 247, 281, 297, describes crews made up of “English and American, as well as West Indian, African, and even Indian” [italics in source]; see also Eric W. Sager, Seafaring Labour: The Merchant Marine of Atlantic Canada, 18201914 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1989), 10–11; Laura Tabili,“We ask for British justice”: Workers and racial difference in late imperial Britain (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994), 2; Margaret S. Creighton and Lisa Norling, eds., Iron Men. Wooden Women: Gender and Seafaring in the Atlantic World, 17001920 (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1996), xiii; Jeffrey Bolster, Black Jacks: African American seamen in the age of sail (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 2; and Janet J. Ewald, “Crossers of the Sea: Slaves, Freedmen, and Other Migrants in the Northwestern Indian Ocean. c.1750–1914,” American Historical Review 105, no.1 (2000): 69–91. Ida Altman and Reginald D. Butler,“The Contact of Cultures: Perspectives on the Quincentenary,” American Historical Review 99, no. 2 (April 1994): 480–483, discuss the importance of recognizing an African presence in the Atlantic world, averring, “one cannot make full sense of the process and outcome of contact between cultures without a thorough understanding of all the actors involved.” Said, Culture and Imperialism, xvi–xx, argues the imperialist worldview inhibited and continues to inhibit recognition of historical activity originating in the West’s outlying regions as independently ingenious. Further, he notes of migrants to metropolises from margins, “such populations and voices have been there for some time, thanks to the globalized process set in motion by modern imperialism; to ignore or otherwise discount the overlapping experience … the interdependence of cultural terrains in which colonizer and colonized co-existed and battled each other through projections as well as rival geographies, narratives, and histories, is to miss what is essential about the world in the past century.”

[3] Dick Wilson, “Below Decks: Seamen and Landsmen Aboard the Hudson’s Bay Company’s Vessels in the Pacific Northwest 1821–50,” in Papers of the 1994 Rupert’s Land Colloquim, ed. Ian MacLaren, Michael Payne, and Heather Rollason (Winnipeg: Centre for Rupert’s Land Studies, 1997), 34. See also Edith I. Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company: Work, Discipline, and Conflict in the Hudson’s Bay Company, 17701879 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1997), 7.

[4] Said, Culture and Imperialism, 6, 9, 15, 17, 242, 240, 244, 258, 259, 331, describes modern empires as “constantly expanding … inexorably integrative … the British empire integrated and fused things within it.” He characterizes the experience of imperialism as “tangled and many sided,” noting, “we have never been as aware as we now are of how oddly hybrid historical and cultural experiences are … Far from being unitary or monolithic or autonomous things, cultures actually assume more ‘foreign’ elements, alterities [sic], differences, than they consciously exclude.” In keeping with his characterization, seafarers may be conceived as among those on a “voyage in,” [italics in source] who “despite their differences, … have always overlapped one another, through unhierarchical influence, crossing, incorporation, recollection, deliberate forgetfulness, and, of course, conflict … to live as migrants do in habitually uninhabited but nevertheless public spaces.” See also David Featherstone, “Atlantic networks, antagonisms and the formation of subaltern political identities,” Social & Cultural Geography 6, no. 3 (June 2005): 387–388, 399–400; and Allan Pred, “Social Reproduction and the Time-Geography of Everyday Life,” Geografiska Annaler, ser. B,63, no. 1 (1981): 9–20, on learning through social contact in a workplace.

[5] See for example of sailors ‘of’ England, “Napper, James”, “Brown, Joseph,” and “Taylor, George,” Hudson’s Bay Company Biographical Sheets for Seafarers, which supplies links to their HBCA records online. J. Storer Clouston “Orkney and the Hudson’s Bay Company,” part III, The Beaver 17, no. 2 (September 1937): 37–39. Kenneth Morgan, “Shipping Passes and the Atlantic Trade of Bristol, 1749–1770,” William and Mary Quarterly 46, no. 3 (July 1989): 532, explains ships’ muster rolls “came into being with the establishment of the Merchant Seamen Fund for disabled seamen in 1747,” and indicates the rolls recorded “Usual Place of Abode” to facilitate contact.

[6] Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 68; Chapter Five, N. Hall, Ph.D. thesis, 107-108, nn. 43, 45.

[7] See “Isbister, Joseph”, “Moar, Andrew,” and “Louttit, Samuel ‘A’,” biographical links, for examples of sailors from Orkney; “Grey, Samuel”, “M’Ritchie, Malcolm” (b.ca 1810), “Gray, Alexander”, “Rennie, John,” and “M’Carthy, Jeremiah,” HBCA biographical links, for sailors from wider Scotland and Ireland; and “Mead, George Henry”, “Thomas, Thomas Sr.,” HBCA biographical links, also Bruce Peel, “Thomas, Thomas,” Dictionary of Canadian Biography [DCB] entries for Seafarers, for sailors from Wales. Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 67–70, 86, citing Michael Hechter, identifies England’s “Celtic Fringe of Scotland, Ireland, and Wales,” as “internal colonies” that served as “sources of cannon fodder and cheap labour” in a forcibly maintained “unequal relationship … resulting in ‘a cultural division of labour’ in which cultural distinctions were ‘superimposed upon class lines’.” She adds, “People were poor and hungry … because they received only a small share of the fruits of their labour.” See also Said, Culture and Imperialism, 225, 236.

[8] “Michelson, Johan,” HBCA biographical links. Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 85, notes that in 1814 the HBC “hired 20 Norwegians, two Danes, one Swede, and two Scandinavians of unspecified nationality.” In 1853, the Company undertook “an extensive recruiting campaign in Scandinavia,” among prisoners of war.

[9] “Hope, Frederick,” and “Mitchell, Alfred Alexander,” HBCA biographical links. Clouston “Orkney and the Hudson’s Bay Company,” part III, 37–39. Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 74, 80–81, 85, notes that in 1791 the London Committee appointed “David Geddes, in Stromness, to take charge of hiring [labourers] in the Orkneys.” In 1810, the Company placed two recruiting agents “in the Hebrides, another at Glasgow, and one in Ireland.” In 1818, an agent was appointed in Lewis.

[10] Isaac Cowie, The Company of Adventurers: A Narrative of Seven Years in the Service of the Hudson’s Bay Company during 18671874, On the Great Buffalo Plains with Historical and Biographical notes and comment (Toronto: William Briggs, 1913), 74, 83–84, mentions among sailors “a Corsican and another a deserter from the French Navy.” Douglas H. Maynard, British Pioneers in California: A Thesis (Los Angeles: Occidental College, 1948; reprint, San Francisco: R. & E. Research Associates, 1974), 46, cites Richard Henry Dana as the source for the idea that “Crews of most ships were cosmopolitan.” However, Arthur Herman, To Rule the Waves: How the British Navy Shaped the Modern World (New York: Harper Perennial, 2005), 78, 162–163, 240–241, 295, notes an aspect of Francis Drake’s crew of the Pelican in 1577, that “carried implications for the future: its international flavor. Although most came from Devon like their captain, there was also a Danish gunner, two Dutchmen, and a ‘black Moor’.” Drake added “a Greek, another Dutchman, numerous Spanish and Portuguese sailors, as well as blacks and even a South American Indian – not to mention a series of Hispanic pilots … along every coast, from Brazil to California.” In successive centuries, English naval vessels gathered “men from anywhere, and by any means.” Herman notes as well that from the early 1600s “right up until the nineteenth century … Sailors were sailors, as far as authorities and most captains were concerned, and very few cared where a seaman came from or where he went once his temporary service on a royal ship was done.” By the eighteenth century, in the case of naval ships – described as part of “the largest industrial organization in the world” – social acceptance did not mean a “true meritocracy” existed, “But it was the one profession in Georgian Britain in which men with no money or education could enter and succeed by sheer talent, and did.” Laura Tabili, “‘A Maritime Race’: Masculinity and the Racial Division of Labor in British Merchant Ships, 1900–1939,” in Iron Men, Wooden Women, 171, argues to the contrary, opining, “By the late nineteenth century … ‘rough hewn equality’ was dissipating in American ships, and it was absent if it had ever existed in British ones.”

[11] Franklin Remington, “York Factory to London 1888,” The Beaver 23, no. 2 (September 1943): 19. HBCA, C.3/20, Portledge Books, 1845–1915, lists among crew members who were advanced wages, J. Hawes 1st mate, and A.J. Davidson 2nd mate. The boatswain is not listed, but under the system of “different ship, different long splice” – meaning individual masters had their own way of organizing the crew – it is remotely possible that the bo’sun duties were undertaken by the second mate.

[12] See, for example, Joseph Colen quoted in Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 74; Samuel Hearne, A Journey from Prince of Waless Fort, in Hudsons Bay To The Northern Ocean  1769, 1770, 1771, 1772 (1795; reprint, ed. Richard Glover, Macmillan, 1972), lx, and Company Orders to James Knight that give him “power and authority to act and do all things relating to the said voyage, the navigation of the said ship and sloop only excepted”; James Knight, letter, York Fort, 19 September 1714,  Letters from Hudson’s Bay, 170340, ed. K.G. Davies with A.M. Johnson (London: Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1965), 36–37, 36 n. 3, who hired “one of Captain Harle’s men [of the frigate Union], Nicholas Coxworthy by name, at the wages he had of him 24s. per month, for I cannot do without some to go in the boat that understands to make rafts and row fetch my timber”; William Bevan and others, letter, Moose River, 20 Aug. 1734, Letters from Hudson’s Bay, 197, reported “The Moose River  sloop being very weakly manned, I have entertained one Anthony Ward, a brisk and able seaman, to act as mate at two pound five shillings per month … it being necessary for the sloop’s preservation.”; and Remington, “York Factory to London,” 18, describes decision making as to who would board a ship, or work passage to London in 1888 as “entirely up to the captain.”

[13] William S. Lewis and Naojiro Murakami, eds., Ranald MacDonald, The Narrative of his early life on the Columbia under the Hudson’s Bay Company’s regime; of his experiences in the Pacific Whale Fishery; and of his great Adventure to Japan; with a sketch of his later life on the Western Frontier, 18241894 (Spokane WA: Eastern Washington State Historical Society, 1923), 74–77 n. 46, note that in 1824 Comcomly was made “chief bar and river pilot for the company (the first on the Columbia, James Scarborough being the second [see Federal Census of Lewis County, Oregon Territory census]) and wore the uniform of their service.” “Friday, Joe,” HBCA biographical links; Brenda Pratt, “Who is Friday Harbour Named After Anyway?” Friday Harbour & San Juan Island Web Directory http://www.byd2.com/history/ (accessed 5 September 2008), suggests Friday worked his passages “by signing on as part of the crew”, and notes “At that time in the Hawaiian Islands (or Sandwich Islands, as the British called them) jobs were scarce and commoners could not hold land. Therefore the Hudson’s Bay Company found it very easy to recruit strong young men, excellent fishermen and sailors, to work for them in the Pacific Northwest.” Ruth Kirk and Carmela Alexander, Exploring Washington’s Past: A Road Guide to History (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003), 402, note, “By the 1830s the Hudson’s Bay Company apparently had 300 to 400 Hawaiians employed as sailors, gardeners, cooks, servants, laborers, sawyers, millers, and even informants who mingled with Native Americans and reported … trade opportunities.”

[14] “Fawcus, John,” and “Weynton, Alexander John,” HBCA biographical links.

[15] See Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 94–95. Grace Lee Nute, “Radisson, Pierre-Esprit,” DCB links, notes that after 1675, Radisson entered the service of the French navy as “a midshipman in an expedition of Vice-Admiral d’Estrées to capture the Dutch colonies along the coast of Africa and in the Caribbean (1677–78). For this chapter in Radisson’s career we have the only known letter of any length wholly written and signed by him. After initial success, the campaign ended disastrously on hidden reefs in the Caribbean. Most of the vessels were wrecked and Radisson barely escaped with his life, after losing all his possessions. Returning to France, he petitioned for relief and received a sum of money but not the position in the navy that he says he had been promised.”

[16] “Groseilliers and Radisson, The First Explorers of Lake Superior and the State of Minnesota,” Magazine of Western History 7 (November 1887): 418 n., states, “The father of Gillam came to Boston in 1634, and his son Zachary was born in 1636. He was buried in Boston, June 13, 1685, and his widow was married by a Huguenot minister to one Sylvestre. Zachary’s brother Benjamin was also a sea-captain.” The burial likely would have been ceremonial only – see Chapter Eight, N. Hall, Ph.D. thesis, 176. Alice M. Johnson, “Early Ships in Hudson’s [sic] Bay,” The Beaver 26, no. 1 (June 1946): 11, suggests Romieux was born in Quebec; see also E.E. Rich, ed. Minutes of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1671–1674 (Toronto: Champlain Society for the Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1942), 41 n., which identifies Romieux as “of Trois Rivieres.” Maud M. Hutcheson, “Romieux, Pierre,” DCB links, notes that he was a “surgeon of Béziers in Languedoc,” who perhaps spent as few as three years in Trois Rivières, from 1659–1661, before accompanying Radisson and Grosseilliers on their journeys to 1668. She adds, “In the Company’s records he appears as Peter Romulus, ‘ye French chirurgion.’ He made another voyage to the Bay in 1672 and was to ‘stay in the countrey’ [sic].”

[17] Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 84–85, notes that in 1812 “the committee engaged the firm of Maitland, Garden, and Auldjo as its agent in Montreal.” “Spence, George,” HBCA biographical links, supplies an example of occluded cultural orientation in HBC records, noting that Spence reportedly signed his piloting contracts in Cree.

[18] See, for example, Lucille H. Campey, Les Écossais: The Pioneer Scots of Lower Canada, 17631855 (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2006), 5, 30, 57–59, 249; and “Close of French Government Transport Work: A.M. Irvine and Staff Leave Service With Shutting of Montreal Agency; Great War Work of the H.B.C. Recalled,” The Beaver 1, no. 8 (May 1921): 20–21.

[19] HBCA, “Biographical Sheets,” http://www.gov.mb.ca/chc/archives/hbca/biographical/index.html (accessed 29 Dec. 2008), notes archivists have compiled sheets providing information on employees of the HBC and NWC. Some “include the parish of origin or place of birth; positions, posts and districts in which the person served; family information … and references to related documents.” While approximately 2,547 sheets are currently available [in 2009], they “have not been created for every employee.”

[20] HBCA C.3/20, Portledge Books, 1845–1915; and C.4/1, Book of Ships’ Movements, 1719–1929, record names that indicate on the Pacific Voyages there were also sailors of French heritage, though some surnames as readily indicate Spanish or Portuguese antecedents. For example, Antonio Rosario/ Rozario served aboard the Princess Royal from 1862 to 1864; William “Anolis,” served on the Glaramara  in 1866.

[21] HBCA, “Taylor, Richard Hayward,” HBCA biographical links, served again in 1919. He captained Fort Churchill to James Bay in the early 1920s, and was Master aboard the Fort York to 1930.

[22] Harold Adams Innis quoted in Jeff A. Webb, “The Newfoundland and Labrador Field Work of Harold Adams Innis,” unpublished paper (Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2008), 13. See also Shannon Ryan, The Ice Hunters: A History of Newfoundland Sealing to 1914 (St. John’s: Breakwater Books, 1994), 264–269, 271, 292, 294, and comments on the effects of “wind tide and nature” on seal hunting opportunities in Newfoundland for both landsmen and mariners, as well as conditions at sea.

Joyce Macpherson, “Cold Ocean,” Newfoundland and Labrador Heritage Web site (1997) http://www.heritage.nf.ca/environment/ocean.html (accessed 29 December 2008), notes annual water temperatures are “7–10°C lower than at corresponding latitudes on the west coasts of North America and Europe” adding, “The water of the Labrador Current is less saline (salty) than that of the main North Atlantic Ocean and thus freezes more easily. … Arctic and sub-Arctic floes are carried by the current as far south as the Grand Bank. … These can be an extreme hazard to shipping.”

[23] See George Comer, An Arctic whaling diary: The journals of Captain George Comer in Hudson Bay, 19031905, ed. W. Gillies Ross (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984); W. Gillies Ross, Whaling and Eskimos: Hudson Bay 18601915 (Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1975), 155, on sources for George Comer; and J.E. Bernier, Arctic Explorer: A Narrative of Sixty Years at Sea from the Logs and Yarns of Captain J.E. Bernier F.R.G.S., F.R.E.S. (Ottawa: Le Droit, 1939); Joseph E. Bernier, Report on the Dominion Government Expedition to the Northern Waters and Arctic Archipelago of the D.G.S. ‘Arctic’ in 1910 (Ottawa: Dept. of Marine and Fisheries, 1911); Richard Finnie, “Farewell Voyages: Bernier and the ‘Arctic’.” The Beaver 54, no. 1 (summer 1974): 44–54; Alan MacEachern, “Cool Customer: The Arctic Voyage of J.E. Bernier,” The Beaver 84, no. 4 (September 2004): 30–35, for sources on Bernier. W. Gillies Ross, “George Comer (1858–1937),” Arctic 36, no. 3 (September 1983): 294, notes Comer was born 1858; Yolande Dorian-Robitaille, Captain J.E. Bernier’s Contribution to Canadian Sovereignty in the Arctic (Ottawa: Dept. Of Indian and Northern Affairs, 1978), 17, notes Bernier was born in L’Islet, Quebec, 1 January 1852.

[24] See J.G. Boulton, “Northern Charting – The Hudson Bay Route,” Friends of Hydrography http://www.canfoh.org/Vignettes/Hudson%20Bay%20Route%201885-86/hudson_bay_route.htm (accessed 14 January 2009), for a reference to Sam Bartlett in Hudson Bay, 1910; and Sources for Ship List 4, nos. 962 Algerine, 973 Neptune, 991 Neptune, 1020 Erik, and Sources for Ship List 5,  nos. 1038 Stanley, 1049 Minto, 1058 Minto, 1055 [unnamed vessel], 1065 Acadia, and 1066 Laddie; also Thomas E. Appleton, “Usque Ad Mare: A History of the Canadian Coast Guard and Marine Services,” Fisheries and Oceans Canada, Canadian Coast Guard http://www.ccg-gcc.gc.ca/usque-ad-mare/chapter04-04­e.htm (accessed 4 April 2007), notes “Sam Bartlett, who had sailed with Peary, was an uncle of Bob Bartlett”; Robert A. Bartlett, “Peary’s Extended Exploration of Arctic Lands Culminating in the Attainment of the North Pole,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 82, no. 5 (29 June 1940): 935, notes his uncles Harry, John and Samuel, and cousin Moses, went north in sealing ships; Obituary, “Samuel W. Bartlett,” Geographical Journal 48, no. 5 (November 1916): 436, mentions John Bartlett and the Panther of 1869; Obituary, “Samuel W. Bartlett,” Geographical Review 2, no. 5 (November 1916): 383; Alan Cooke and Clive Holland, The Exploration of Northern Canada, 500 to 1920: A Chronology (Toronto: Arctic History Press, 1978), 295–297, 300–301. See also Robert A. Bartlett, Sails Over Ice (New York: C. Scribner’s Sons, 1934); Robert A. Bartlett, The Last Voyage of the Karluk: Shipwreck and Rescue in the Arctic, ed. Ralph T. Hale (St. John’s NL: Flanker Press, 2007); Robert A. Bartlett, The Log of Bob Bartlett: The True Story of Forty Years of Seafaring and Exploration (St. John’s NL: Flanker Press, 2006). See also, Harry Whitney, Hunting With The Eskimos: The Unique Record Of A Sportsman’s Year Among The Northernmost Tribe – The Big Game Hunting, The Native Life, And The Battle For Existence Through The Long Arctic Night (New York: Century, 1910), 26, photograph, of Captain Samuel Bartlett of Brigus, aboard the SS Erik.

[25] A.H. de Trémaudan, The Hudson Bay Road (14981915) (London and Toronto; J.M. Dent and Sons, 1915), 63; J.A.J. McKenna, The Hudson Bay Route: A Compilation of Facts with Conclusions (Ottawa: Department of the Interior, 1908), 4. See, also, Harry Shave, “The Armchair at Seven Oaks,” Winnipeg Free Press (5 Oct. 1963), for an image of Captain Colin Sinclair.

 [26] Manitoba Archives, MG 1 D15, “Will of William Sinclair (Fl. 1794–1818),” and MG 14 B30, file 38, “Colin Robertson Sinclair Estate, 1898–1903,”Grant of Probate ‘In the Surrogate Court of the Eastern Judicial District of Manitoba re Colin Sinclair, Deceased’ 31 July 1901; W.J. Healy, Women of Red River, Being a Book Written from the Recollections of Women Surviving from the Red River Era (Winnipeg: Women’s Canadian Club, 1923), 163–166; “Capt. Colin Sinclair dies at St. John at ripe old age – was born at Oxford House in 1816 – His interesting career,” obituary, [Winnipeg Newspaper], 1901; Harry Shave, “The Armchair at Seven Oaks,” Winnipeg Free Press, 5 Oct. 1963; F.L. Jobin, ed., City of the Rivers (Winnipeg: Bureau of travel and Publicity, Department of Industry and Commerce, Queen’s Printer), 12; Thomas H. Sinclair, quoted in Beyond the Gates of Lower Fort Garry 18801982, R. M. of St. Andrew’s (St. Andrew’s MB: Municipal Office of St. Andrew’s, 1982), 447–448; Sylvia Van Kirk, “Many Tender Ties”: Women in Fur-Trade Society in Western Canada, 16701870 (Winnipeg: Watson and Dwyer Publishing, 1980), 87.

[27] See Mary L. Kennedy, “Lieutenant Joseph René Bellot,” The Beaver 18, no. 1 (June 1938): 44, photograph, of Captain Kennedy.

[28] William Kennedy, A short narrative of the second voyage of the Prince Albert, in search of Sir John Franklin (London: W.H. Dalton, 1853), iii, vii. See also William Kennedy, “Report on the Return of Lady Franklin’s Vessel the Prince Albert, under the Command of Mr. Wm. Kennedy, from the Arctic Regions,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 23 (1853): 122–129; “The Arctic Search,” The North American Review 80, no. 167 (April 1855): 333; “Bellot,” Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 12, no. 67 (December 1855): 97; “The Polar Seas and Sir John Franklin,” Putnam’s Monthly Magazine of American Literature, Science and Art 1 no 6 (June 1853): 634. “Kennedy, Alexander,” HBCA biographical links; Edward C. Shaw, “Captain William Kennedy, An Extraordinary Canadian,” MHS Transactions 27, ser. 3 (1970–1971 season); E.C. Shaw, “The Kennedys – An Unusual Western Family,” MHS Transactions 29, ser. 3 (1972–1973 season). McKenna, The Hudson Bay Route, 6, notes of Kennedy’s experience sailing only that, “in the autumn of 1838 he traversed the coast from Chimo River (Kaneabascon River) to George River and coasted the shore line in a York boat every year of the eight years.” See also Edward Charles Shaw, “Kennedy, William,” DCB links; and [Edward Charles Shaw], Captain William Kennedy (Winnipeg: Manitoba Culture, Heritage and Recreation, Historical Resources Branch, 1985).

[29] Cowie, Company of Adventurers, 100.

[30] Shaw, “Captain William Kennedy,” notes that while Kennedy was an “Extraordinary Canadian,” and “one of a small group of men who promoted the expansion of Canada into the North and West of British North America,” he has been “overlooked in Canadian history” and wonders, “Was it because he was part Indian? Was it because he opposed the powerful fur trade and territorial monopoly in Ruperts land? Or, has it just been happenstance?”

[31] Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company, 8. See Harold A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History (1930; revised edition, 1956; reprint, with revised foreword, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970),311, 392; Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Hunters, Trappers, and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 16701870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974; reprint with new introduction, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998); Carol M. Judd, “Native Labour and Social Stratification in the Hudson’s Bay Northern Department, 1770–1870,” Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 17 (1980): 310–11; and John Nicks, “Orkneymen in the HBC, 1780–1821,” in Old Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North American Fur Trade Conference, ed. Carol M. Judd and Arthur J. Ray (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), 123; Glyndwr Williams, “The Simpson Era,” The Beaver: Magazine of the North, special issue (autumn 1983): 55.

[32] D.N. Sprague, and R.P. Frye, The Genealogy of the First Metis Nation: The Development and Dispersal of the Red River Settlement, 18201900 (Winnipeg: Pemmican Publications, 1983); Judith Hudson Beattie, and Helen M. Buss, eds., Undelivered Letters to Hudson’s Bay Company Men on the Northwest Coast of America, 183057 (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003), 13; MacDonald, Ranald MacDonald; Dennis F. Johnson, Inland Armada The York Boats of the Hudson’s Bay Company (Selkirk MB.: Lower Fort Garry Volunteer Association, 2005).

[33] William C. Sturtevant and David Beers Quinn, “This New Prey: Eskimos in Europe in 1567, 1576, and 1577,” in Indians & Europe: An Interdisciplinary Collection of Essays, ed. Christian F. Feest (Lincoln NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 61.

[34] See K.G. Davies, ed., with A.M. Johnson, Northern Quebec and Labrador Journals and Correspondence, 181935 (London: Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1963), xv n. 3, who observe, “The confused nomenclature of the period with regard to northern geography should be noted. The name Labrador generally referred to southern Greenland during the first half of the sixteenth century, the Atlantic coast of modern Labrador being known variously as Baccalaos, Terre Neuve (terms originally given to Newfoundland, but also applied to Labrador until Cartier’s explorations showed that Newfoundland and Labrador were separated), and Terra de Corte Real.”

[35] Alden T. Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters: American Indians in Britain, 15001776 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 11; Alden T. Vaughan, “Sir Walter Ralegh’s Indian Interpreters, 1584–1618,” William and Mary Quarterly 3d ser., 59, no. 2 (April 2002): 344.

[36] Davies and Johnson, Northern Quebec and Labrador Journals, xv; Jack D. Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and the Evolution of Red-Black Peoples (Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 29; Harry Johnston, Pioneers in Canada, Pioneer Library Series (London: Gresham,1912), Chapter 1, n. 11. Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters, 15, notes the captives may have been taken in the area of present day Maine. Additionally he notes that in 1525 Estevão Gómez captured “at least fifty-eight Indians … from Maine or Nova Scotia” and sold them as slaves in Portugal.

[37] Marcel Trudel, “Donnacona,” DCB links, relates, “On 25 March 1539 three of the Indians whom Cartier had brought back were baptized; the register does not identify them, we know only that they were males. Perhaps they were baptisms in articulo mortis? It was in any event towards this time that Donnacona, according to Thevet, died a Christian; and except for the little girl of ten years of age, his companions died about the same time.” Innis, Fur Trade, 417, n. 12. observes, “According to the late Professor Louis Allen of University College, the University of Toronto, these Indians, as far as could be gathered from the vocabulary left to Cartier, were not Hurons but possibly Onodagas or a western Iroquoian group.” See also Giles Milton, Big Chief Elizabeth: How England’s Adventurers Gambled and Won the New World (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 2000), 52–53.

[38] See Olive P. Dickason, The Myth of the Savage: And the Beginnings of French Colonialism in the Americas (Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1984),  xiii, 29, 126–140, who argues “By classifying Amerindians as savages, Europeans were able to create the ideology that helped to make it possible to launch one of the greatest movements of western civilization: the colonization of overseas empires.” Note also her discussion of Pope Alexander VI’s bulls of 1493, of territorial rights of discovery, and of the role of commerce in instigating “open warfare” over resource access.

[39] A.J. Dyer, “Aboriginal History of Northern Canada,” Perspectives: the Journal of the Saskatchewan Council of Social Studies Teachers (winter 1978) http://www.usask.ca/education/ideas/tpla/sslp/aborhist.htm (accessed 14 February 2006), also notes that “By the 1750’s, there were 350 European whaling ships anchored off the pack ice between Greenland and Baffin Island, indicating that contact between European and Inuit was made on a fairly regular basis”; Sturtevant and Quinn, “This New Prey,” 61, 62, 68–72, while describing Frobisher’s contacts with Inuit of Baffin, state, “Greenland Eskimos were apparently not met by Europeans, after the Norse, until 1585.”

[40] See Vaughan, “Sir Walter Ralegh’s Indian Interpreters,” 346–351, 361, 372, Mantaeo of Roanoke, and Wanchese of Croatoan, voyaged to England with Arthur Barlowe and Philip Amadas in 1584, and survived to sail home in 1585 with a fleet of ships under the command of Richard Grenville. In 1586, Manateo returned to England with Francis Drake, again surviving to return home the next year with the fleet commanded by John White. Vaughan supplies the name ‘Towaye’ for an American native who “accompanied Manteo back to Roanoke” in 1587. He notes that Topiawari of Guiana lived in England for twenty-two years. Milton, Big Chief Elizabeth, 63–77, 97–125, 150, 168–171, 176, 191, 204, 211, 215, 237, additionally notes that another captive of Roanoke was taken by Grenville to England in 1586 and lived long enough to be baptised as ‘Ralegh, A Wyanditoian’ in 1588 — his death took place in 1589. Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters, xv; Captain John Smith, quoted in Lincoln N. Kinnicut, “Plymouth’s Debt to the Indians,” The Harvard Theological Review 13, no. 4 (October 1920): 353–354. Among the Pokanoket of Patuxet/Plymouth in the first decades of the seventeenth century, Dohoday was reputed to have “lived long in England.” Likewise Tantum/Tisquantum, returned alive from England to North America in 1615 after a forced sojourn of ten years.

[41] Kinnicut, “Plymouth’s Debt to the Indians,” 354; Lynn Geci, “Squanto and the Pilgrims: On Planting Corn ‘in the manner of the Indians,” in The Invented Indian: Cultural Fictions & Government Policies, ed. James A. Clifton (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2004), 73; Peter E. Pope, Fish Into Wine: The Newfoundland Plantation in the Seventeenth Century (Chapel Hill: Published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2004), 79. See Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters, 284 n. 47, and n. 48, and note that some accounts conflate the identities of Tantum, Tisquantum, and Squanto. Milton, Big Chief Elizabeth, 204, notes that Walter Raleigh arranged to have Manteo appointed as a local governor for England in North America in 1587; William Strachey, quoted in Vaughan, “Sir Walter Ralegh’s Indian Interpreters,” 356, 366–374, recorded that on Chesapeake Bay, native Americans and English “had peaceably lyved and intermixed” for “20. od yeares [sic]” to 1607. Vaughan notes the 1616 stay in England of Matoaka/ Pocahontas/ Rebecca Rolfe and her entourage included instances where the visitors were treated as ‘savages,’ and comments that details of the stay are missing due to the loss of records in the Great Fire. Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters, xi, 95, notes Pocahontas’ group included Powahatan women and girls who set out for England as part of an integrative, diplomatic gesture. While Pocahontas and several others shortly died, at least one man, Tomocomo, and two women, Elizabeth and Mary, survived as “temporary residents” before departing for Bermuda in 1621, and others may have stayed on permanently.

[42] See, for example, Russel A. Potter, “Esquimaux on Display” http://www.ric.edu/rpotter/eskimoes.html (accessed 5 September 2005), who notes that in 1847 “Captain John Parker brought an Eskimo couple from Cumberland Sound to the whaling port of Hull, England aboard his ship the ‘Truelove.’ Ostensibly brought to England to raise awareness of poor conditions in their homeland, the couple, Memiadluk and Uckaluk, were treated rather better than other such human zoo exhibits; Captain Parker placed them in the care of his ship’s surgeon, who innoculated [sic] them for smallpox upon their arrival in England. Nonetheless, they were put on display in the Public Rooms beginning on 2 December, dressed in their sealskin clothes. They also appeared at the Mechanics Institute in Manchester, as well as at the lecture hall in Goodramgate, York.” Potter also refers to “Tookoolito”, “Ebierbing,” and “Haralukjoe,” who visited England in 1853, “where they met with Queen Victoria at Windsor Castle.” See also Robin K. Wright, “The Travelling Exhibition of Captain Samuel Hadlock, Jr.: Eskimos in Europe, 1822–1826,” in Indians & Europe, 215–233; J.C.H. King, “Family of Botocudos Exhibited on Bond Street in 1822,” in Indians & Europe, 243–251; Christopher Mulvey, “Among the Sag-A-Noshes: Ojibwa and Iowa Indians with George Catlin in Europe,” in Indians & Europe, 253–275; and Rita G. Napier, “Across the Big Water: American Indians’ Perceptions of Europe and Europeans, 1887–1906,” in Indians & Europe,  383–402.

[43] See P.J.P. Whitehead, “Earliest Extant Paintings of Greenlanders,” in Indians and Europe, 141–159, esp. 154, who comments that Poq and Qiperoq were “fêted in Copenhagen” in 1724; and Dale Idiens, “Eskimos in Scotland: c.1682–1924,” in Indians and Europe, 161–174.

[44] Johanna Mizgala, “First Impressions, Lasting Consequences: The ‘Four Kings’,” Current Exhibitions, Portrait gallery of Canada http://www.portraits.gc.ca/009001-2101-e.html (accessed 23 August 2008). The “Four Kings of Canada,” known as Theyanoguin/ Hendrick Peters, E Tow Oh Koam/ Nicholas, Sa Ga Yean Qua Rah Tow/ Brant, and Oh Nee Yeath Tow No Riow/ John, of Canajoharie and Fort Hunter, visited Queen Anne in 1710. Apparently Brant alone suffered any ill effects, dying “shortly after his return.” See also Milton W. Hammilton, “Theyanoguin,” DCB links; L.H. Butterfield, review of Queen Anne’s American Kings by Richmond P. Bond, William and Mary Quarterly 3d ser., 10, no. 3 (July 1953): 450; Eric Hinderaker, “The ‘Four Indian Kings’ and the Imaginative Construction of the First British Empire,” William and Mary Quarterly 3d ser., 53, no. 3 (July 1996): 487. George R. Hamell, “Mohawks Abroad: The 1764 Amsterdam Etching of Sychnecta,” in Indians & Europe, 175–194; Barbara Graymont, “Thayendanegea,” DCB links. Sychnecta and Trosoghroga – a.k.a. Hermanus and Joseph – travelled to Bristol, London, possibly Ireland, and to Amsterdam from 1764 to1765; Brant’s grandson, Thayendanegea/Joseph Brant, visited London in 1775.

[45] J. Garth Taylor, “The Two Worlds of Mikak,” parts I, The Beaver 63, no. 3 (winter 1983): 4, 6; J. Garth Taylor, “The Two Worlds of Mikak,” part II, The Beaver 63, no.4 (winter 1983): 18–25, suggests that although Mikak’s initial capture was violent, she voyaged to England partly of her own volition with Tutauk and “a twelve-year-old orphan boy named Karpik,” under the auspices of Hugh Palliser, governor of Newfoundland and Labrador. Karpik did not return but stayed with Moravians at Fulneck, Yorkshire. He died, apparently of smallpox. Kenn Harper, “Taissumani: A Day in Arctic History Oct. 1, 1795 – Mikak Dies in Nain,” 30 September 2005 http://www.nunatsiaq.com/archives/50930/opinionEditorial/columns. html (accessed 20 October 2008).

[46] Vaughan, Transatlantic Encounters, xi.

[47] See, Zachariah Gillam, transcript, “The voyage of the Nonsuch, 1668,” The Beaver 23, no. 2 (September 1943): 2, and instructions to Gillam that could not be fulfilled because William Stannard decided to turn back in the Eaglet. See also Innis, Fur Trade in Canada, 135, for a list of regulations that a reading of Company journals and correspondence reveals were more observed in the breach than acquiescence; also examples described in Burley, Servants of the Company, 101, 110, 123–127, 144–148, 153; and Ann M. Carlos, and Stephen Nicholas, “Managing the Manager: An Application of the Principal Agent Model to the Hudson’s Bay Company,” Oxford Economic Papers, new ser., 45, no. 2 (April 1993): 244–245, for observations on effectiveness – or lack thereof – of the management HBC structure given problems of “both incomplete information and uncertainty” due to geographical remove from day to day operations in the field.

[48] See Deidre Simmons, Keepers of the Record: The History of the Hudson’s Bay Company Archives (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2008), 22–23; Alice M. Johnson, “Gorst, Thomas,” DCB links; Alice M. Johnson, “Bayly (Baily, Baley), Charles,” DCB links.

[49] John Oldmixon, “The History of Hudson’s-Bay, Containing an Account of its Discovery and Settlement, the Progress of it, and the present State; of the Indians, Trade, and everything else relating to it: Being the last chapter of volume I of The British Empire in America, by John Oldmixon (London, 1708),” in Documents relating to the early history of Hudson Bay, ed.  J. B. Tyrrell (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1931), 392, relates that the point where the men were found “lay in 52 Deg. 40 Min.” The pilot was only further described as having two rows of teeth.

[50] Richard Glover, “Introduction,” Letters from Hudson’s Bay, lvi, in 1721, notes Henry Kelsey engaged an unnamed ‘Northern Indian’ pilot in the Prosperous hoy; see also W.B. Cameron, “Runaway Ship,” The Beaver 28, no. 1 (June 1948): 6, for a reference to Oomeralok, an “Eskimo” pilot engaged by the HBC in 1915, known as “The King of the Belchers” – a group of islands in James Bay; See David L. McKeand, “The Eastern Arctic Patrol,” 14 March 1940, Empire Club of Canada, Texts since 1903, Address published in The Empire Club of Canada Speeches 1939–1940, 367–83, Toronto: Empire Club of Canada, 1940 http://www.empireclubfoundation.com/details.asp?FT=yes&SpeechID=920 (accessed 16 October 2007), 9, who notes “an Eskimo pilot and family” were taken aboard to enter Lake Harbour; and Edmund Mack, “H.B.S.S. Pelican Ends Historic Career,” The Beaver 2, no. 5 (February 1922): 14, who refers to an “Eskimo” pilot. Aside from piloting, the tasks of landing and lading trade goods, provisions, and human coordinators for the various ventures sent to the Bay, required extra workers. Especially if there was not a trade facility in operation bayside, a short turn around time was necessary. When wintering, in addition to securing native labour during trading time, attempts were made to induce extra workers to participate in maintaining — particularly feeding — the ship’s camp through to departure the next summer. See Great Britain, Parliament, House of Commons, Report from the Committee Appointed to Inquire into the State and Condition of the countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay, and of the trade carried on there: Together with an appendix: Reported by Lord Strange, 24 April 1749 (London: House of Commons, 1749), 215–216, 218, for testimonies of Joseph Robson, and Richard White; “An Old HBC Skipper,” The Beaver 4, no. 7 (April 1924): 260; John Alwin, “Mode, Pattern and Pulse: Hudson’s Bay Company Transport, 1670–1821,” Ph.D. diss. (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1978), 29; E.E. Rich, ed., with A.M. Johnson, Hudson’s Bay copy booke of letters, commissions, instructions outward 16881696 (London: Hudson’s Bay Record Society, 1957), 40 n. 36, 125; E.E. Rich, ed., Minutes of the Hudson’s Bay Company, First Part, 16791682 (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1945), 242; William Coats, The Geography of Hudson’s Bay: being the remarks of Captain W. Coats, in many voyages to that locality, between the years 1727 and 1751: with an appendix containing extracts from the log of Capt. Middleton on his voyage for the discovery of the North-west passage in H.M.S. Furnace in 17412, ed. John Barrow (London: Hakluyt Society, 1852), 36, 49; also Ross, Whaling and Eskimos, 23, 31, 51, 64–65. Eric Ross, Beyond the River and the Bay: Some Observations on the State of the Canadian Northwest in 1811 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970), 54; Van Kirk, “Many Tender Ties,” 9–10, 15, 53–74: Although Van Kirk does not address the seafaring dimension of trader’s lives, she supplies a description of the “mutual dependence” and “social and economic realities of life on the Bay” for trading partners. Both natives to the country and new arrivals worked as “your Honor Servants” in a variety of capacities. See also Philip Goldring, “Inuit Economic Responses to Euro-American Contacts: Southeast Baffin Island, 1824–1940,” Historical Papers 21, no. 1, ed. Dana Johnson, and Louise Ouellette (Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association/La Société historique du Canada, 1986), 147, who observes that the interdependence of natives and newcomers of the sub-Arctic fur trade “is now generally recognized,” whether their ‘partnerships’ were “equal or not.”

[51] Captain Caruthers quoted in Great Britain, Report from the Committee, 1749, 230; see also Charles N. Bell, “Navigation of Hudson Bay and Straits,” Transactions 1st ser., no. 7 (read 1883); Ernest J. Chambers, ed., Canada’s Fertile Northland: A Glimpse of the Enormous Resources of Part of the Unexplored Regions of the Dominion, Evidence before a Select Committee of the Senate of Canada during the Parliamentary Session of 1906–7, and the Report based thereon (Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau, 1907), 119, notes “As to the preparation of reliable charts of these waters, a good deal requires to be done yet.” T.H. Manning, “Explorations on the East Coast of Hudson Bay,” The Geographical Journal 109, no. 1/3 (January–March 1947): 58–75, notes the lack of cartographic knowledge. E.G.R. Taylor, “Introduction,” Copy-book of letters outward &c: begins 29th May, 1680 ends 5 July, 1687, ed. E.E. Rich, with A.M. Johnson (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1948), xvii–xxviii, supplies an informative discussion on HBC mapping, attitudes toward knowledge management and resultant inaccuracies.  See also Ross, Whaling and Eskimos, 43–44; and Richard I. Ruggles, A Country So Interesting: The Hudson’s Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping 16701870 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1991), 25–27, 32, 33, plates 1–3, 8a, 14, 15.

[52] See Glyndwr Williams, “The Hudson’s Bay Company and Its Critics in the Eighteenth Century,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5th ser., 20 (1970): 151; and Richard I. Ruggles, “Governor Samuel Wegg, Intelligent Layman of the Royal Society, 1753–1802,” Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 32, no. 2 (March 1978): 181–199.

[53] For indications of the relatively late dates at which things became ‘known’ cartographically see “Additions to Captain Comer’s Map of Southampton Island,” Bulletin of the American Geographical Society 45, no. 7 (1913): 516–518; Charles Camsell, Geological Survey of Canada, “The Unexplored Areas of Continental Canada,” Geographical Journal 48, no. 3 (September 1916): 249–257; Robert J. Flaherty, “The Belcher Islands of Hudson Bay: Their Discovery and Exploration,” Geographical Review 5, no. 6 (June 1918): 435; F.C. Goulding Smith, “The Canadian Hydrographical Survey of the Hudson Bay Route,” Geographical Journal 87, no. 2 (February 1936): 127; and T.H. Manning, “The Foxe Basin Coasts of Baffin Island,” Geographical Journal 101, no. 5/6 (May 1943): 225. For the perpetuation of fallacious information on nautical maps, see Alice M. Johnson, “Mythical land of Buss,” The Beaver 22, no. 3 (December 1942): 47. See George Binney, “Hudson Bay in 1928,” Geographical Journal 72, no. 1 (July 1929), 5; and Goulding Smith, “Canadian Hydrographical Survey,” 135, on the need for native pilots.

[54] E.E. Rich, Minutes of the Hudson’s Bay Company 16791684, First Part, 167982 (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1945), xviii, n.1, and n. 2, observes, “We do not know who Prince Attash was. He must have been an Indian chief, most likely from the ‘Bottom of the Bay’; but it is useless to try to identify him” … “As is done, for instance, by A.S. Morton.” Arthur S. Morton, A History of the Canadian West to 187071, Being a History of Rupert’s Land (The Hudson’s Bay Company Territory) and of the North-West Territory (Including the Pacific Slope) (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1939), 67, 79, assumes Attash in London was identical to Attash of Rupert River met by Bayly in 1670.

[55] Rich, Minutes of the Hudson’s Bay Company, First Part, xviii n. 3, 310.

[56] Ibid. Hamell, “Mohawks Abroad,” 184, notes that not until 1765 did the British House of Lords pass two resolutions disseminated by the Lords of Trade: first, “the bringing from America of any of the Indians … without proper authority … may be of dangerous consequence … in the colonies”; second, “That the making a public shew of Indians, ignorant of such proceedings is unbecoming and inhuman [sic].” Wright, “Travelling Exhibition,” 215–233; King, “Family of Botocudos,” 243–251; Mulvey, “Among the Sag-A-Noshes,” 253–275; and Napier, “Across the Big Water,” 383–402, indicate the directives did not put an end to the arrival of ‘Indians’ or exhibitions of ‘exotic others,’ but presumably those on display had a greater sense of what they were doing and some determination of how things were done.

[57] See Ewald, “Crossers of the Sea,” 75–76, 81, who argues that “Britain regulated maritime labor closely … the British government responded to the color consciousness affecting Britain in the late eighteenth century.” She uses ‘lascar’ crew agreements as evidence to make the case that crew on British ships were formally “divided by both rank and race.” See “lascar,” Webster’s Revised Unabridged Dictionary, online http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/lascar (accessed 13 November 2008), defined as a Persian and Hindustan word used to designate an artillery man, a labourer, or a sailor.

[58] HBCA, “Baikie, Andrew,” HBCA biographical links, was of Orkney; “Bird, Charles,” HBCA biographical links, was of “Hudson’s Bay (Mitcham),” and possibly the son of James Curtis Bird of Acton, Middesex and Mitcham, Surrey, and Elisabeth Montour, a “Swampy Indian.”

[59] See Blaut, Colonizer’s Model of the World, 14–21, 42, 149, 167, 176–177, 180, who explains “Diffusionism [specifically Eurocentric Diffusionism] became a fully formed scientific theory during the nineteenth century.” In keeping with Blaut, the argument of this essay does not “favour diffusion over independent invention in other contexts,” but adheres to a nondiffusionist model: describing “a world in which the processes at work in any one sector are expected also to be at work in the other sectors. In essence, this model is driven by a concept of equal capability of human beings – psychological unity – in all cultures and regions, and from this argument it demands that any spatial inequalities in matters relating to cultural evolution, and more specifically economic development, be explained. Stated differently: equality is the normal condition and inequalities need to be explained” [my emphasis]; see also J.M.S. Careless, “Limited Identities – Ten Years Later,” Manitoba History no. 1 (1981) http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/mb_history/01/limitedidentities.shtml (accessed 13 January 2009).

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