Hon. Hugh Francis Olone, Town of Winnipeg

(incorrectly: O’Lone — see ‘A Mistaken Identity’ below)

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Link to Existing Biography:

Lawrence Barkwell http://www.scribd.com/doc/34218641/Legislative-Assembly-of-Assiniboia

Biographical Notes:

Date of Birth: c. 1831-1836 [1]
Place of Birth: New York NY
Father: James Olone
Mother: Mary Margaret

Position in the Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia:

  • Honourable Member for Town of Winnipeg

Other Positions in the Provisional Government:

  • Among ‘English Members’ at the ‘Council of Twenty-four’ (16 November 1869).
  • 2nd Lieut., Settlement Guard.

Date of Death: January 1871.

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A Mistaken Identity

A common misconception about Hugh F. Olone is that he was the brother of a saloon keeper named Robert O’Lone. In fact Hugh was the saloon keeper (though never of the ‘Red Saloon’), his nickname was ‘Bob,’ and he did not have a brother named Robert. (Nor was his surname spelled with an apostrophe, as O’Lone.)[2]

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New York City Beginnings

Hugh Olone was born c. 1831-1836 in New York City to James Olone and Mary Margaret. His brothers were Patrick, James, and John J. Olone.[3]

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New-York c. 1848, looking south, over lower Manhattan, away from the Olones’ neighbourhood: “In the foreground on the left, horse-drawn cars of the New York & Harlem Railroad, established in 1832, carry passengers from Prince Street to Harlem along Fourth Avenue.” Source: New York Public Library, http://legacy.www.nypl.org/research/chss/spe/art/print/exhibits/movingup/labeliii.htm

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Information about Hugh’s early life is sparse. By 1858, it appears that he was living at 135 Leroy/ Le Roy Street (now part of the ‘West Village’), on Manhattan Island. The street was named in honour of Alderman Jacob Le Roy, a shipping merchant “who ran a blockade against the British in the War of 1812.”[4]

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Capture

Detail of Matthew Dripps, wall map, “Map of the City of New York Extending Northward to Fiftieth St. Surveyed and drawn by John F. Harrison C.E. Published by M. Dripps…1852.” For zoomable image see David Rumsey Historical Map Collection, http://rumsey.geogarage.com/maps/g2620000.html, which notes this was the “1st map to show all NY lots & buildings. Precursor of the fire maps first published by Perris in 1852, later by Sanborn and Bromley. Border has views of important city buildings.

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The Leroy Street address was mid-way between Washington and Greenwich Streets. This had been an “affluent” area in the early 1800s.[5] By the 1850s, however, the west end of Leroy Street was probably part of a working class neighborhood, “with many of the men associated with the docks and waterfront jobs.”[6] Nevertheless, the address reflected a station above the rougher immigrant neighbourhood known as the ‘Lower East Side,’ and well above what later became known as ‘Hell’s Kitchen‘ (which achieved its worst reputation after the American Civil War and its name c. 1881).[7]

It is not clear whether Hugh’s family had resided at the Leroy address for many years — his father had died by 1855. By 1860 Hugh and the rest of his family all appear to have moved into the home of the eldest and married son, John J. Olone, at 655-7th Avenue, midway between West 42nd and West 43rd streets — a respectable address.[8]

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Suburban home at 50th Street, further up 7th Avenue from the Olones, who resided between 42nd and 43rd. Source: New York Public Library http://images.nypl.org/index.php?id=805420&t=w

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Initially a suburban area with direct access to the countryside, eventually the Olones’ home neighbourhood was built-up to accommodate tradesmen, their families, and business premises. The Olones, too, had a business — a framing shop, which expanded to sell prints and mirrors. It was located at 945 Broadway, just off 5th, less than a block south from Madison Square. Hugh worked at the family enterprise with his brothers, becoming a gilder by trade.[9]

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Henry C. Eno’s lithograph of James Henry Wright’s painting, “Rysdyk’s Hambletonian,” published by John J. Olone, New York: 1866.

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jj olone's advert2jj olone's advert2

Advertisement for the print of Rysdyk’s ‘Hambletonian’ that was “Published and for sale by John J. Olone,” 29 April 1866, The Cultivator & Country Gentleman 27, p. 312.

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Hugh was also a volunteer firefighter. The “Annual report of the Chief Engineer of the Fire Department” of 1858 states he was a member of National Engine Company No. 3, badge no. 2735.[10] His brother James was also a firefighter, with Engine Company No. 1. In 1862 James was commended for saving the life of a woman, in an incident that occurred between 7th Avenue and Broadway, and was recommended for a badge and award of $200.[11]

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badges of 1860

Print, “Badges of 1860,” in The story of the volunteer fire department of the city of New York, by George William Sheldon (New York: Harper, 1882). Courtesy of the New York public library online.

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volunteer fire fighters 1856

Print, “Distinguished Members of the New York Fire Department,” after ambrotypes by Mathew Brady (1856). Courtesy of the New York Public Library online.

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fire fighter's procession

Print, “Torchlight procession of the New York firemen,” Illustrated London News (1858), passing Niblo’s Garden on Broadway, near Prince Street (not far from Hugh Olone’s home on Leroy Street). Courtesy of the New York Public Library online. 

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night alarm

Print, “The Night Alarm.– ‘Start Her Lively, Boys.’– [After Lithograph by Currier and Ives, 1854.]Harper’s Magazine (January 1881). Courtesy of the New York Public Library online.

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shake her up Boys

Print, The Fire.– “Shake Her Up, Boys.”– [After Lithograph Published by Currier and Ives, 1854.]Harper’s Magazine (January 1881). Courtesy of the New York Public Library online.

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crystal palace fire 1858

Louis Oram, print, “Destruction of the Crystal Palace,” 1858 — the exhibition building was located at New York’s 1853 Exhibition site, behind the Croton Distributing Reservoir, between Fifth and Sixth Avenues on 42nd Street. Courtesy of New York Public Library online.

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firemen's map

Wall map, “The Firemen’s guide: a map of the City of New-York, showing the fire districts, fire limits, hydrants, public cisterns, stations of engines, hooks & ladders, hose carts, &c.,” (1843). Courtesy of the New York Public Library online.

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Visualizing Hugh Olone’s New York:

Detail, from G.W. Colton’s 1857 map of New York City, superimposed with red dots showing 655 7th Avenue (to the top right) and 945 Broadway (lower left).

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See also Egbert L. Viele’s Sanitary and Topographical Map (1865). [Click link below for explorable enlargement] http://www.davidrumsey.com/luna/servlet/detail/RUMSEY~8~1~2289~180029:Sanitary-&-Topographical-Map-of-the

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William ‘Corporal Thompson’s farmhouse, converted to a roadhouse at Fifth Avenue and 23rd Street — the last stop for people travelling northward out of the city from 1839 to about 1850. It was razed in 1853 as the city expanded, and was eventually replaced by The Fifth Avenue Hotel (1859-1908). The park across the street  – Madison Square, opened to the public 10 May 1847 — was preserved.

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Detail, Henry S. Tanner’s Map, “City of New York,” (1836), showing ‘House of Refuge’ – presumably Thompson’s cottage (though a block north of its location on later maps).

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The elegant Fifth Avenue Hotel in 1860 – the first New York hotel with a steam-powered vertical railroad (elevator). Every bedroom had a fireplace and private bath. Guests included rich, famous, and powerful individuals of the era – including the Prince of Wales. Madison Square Park is in the foreground.

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An 1853 real estate map of the Madison Square area.

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By the 1850s the population of New York had surpassed a half million people and the city was rapidly expanding northward. Broadway had reached Madison Square, and, into the ‘West 40s,’ side streets began to feature single dwellings and row houses. By 1860, row houses and tenements were spreading along the East Side, as far north as 59th Street, across Broadway from the Olone family’s address on 7th.

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Madison at Broadway, c. 1860 (looking north, Madison Square to the right?).

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[Incidentally, by the 1870s, trades associated with carriage-making filled a square at the intersection of 42nd Street, Bloomingdale Road and 7th Avenue, adjacent to the Olones’ home neighbourhood. From that time, the square became known as Longacre Square – after Long Acre Street in London, a similar nexus of businesses devoted to the coach-making trade.[12] In the early 1900s, the square was nicknamed the ‘Thieves Lair’ for its reputation as a ‘low’ (meaning popular, as opposed to high-culture) entertainment district. It is currently known as Times Square.]

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Longacre Square, borough of Manhattan, New York City, 1880.

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Longacre Square, borough of Manhattan, New York City, 1904. Courtesy of the New York Public Library.

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The Armoury, 7th Avenue and 35th Street.

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In 1861, a new building, the Amoury, home of The American Rifles/ American Guard, stood ready at the corner of 7th Avenue and 35th Street, between Hugh’s home and his family’s place of business — as though a portent of things to come. After South Carolina had declared its secession and engaged Union forces in the Battle of Sumter, Hugh F. Olone signed on with the 69th Infantry Regiment, New York State Militia.

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Hugh Olone and the Civil War

banner of the 69th

An early standard for the 69th New York Volunteer Regiment, commissioned from Tiffany’s New York in the autumn of 1861 by benefactress Maria Daly (wife of Judge Daly). The scroll reads “1st Reg.t Irish Brigade,” an alternate designation given the 69th, because it was “the first regiment to meet its minimum quota of men.”[13]

 

The 69th regiment, a.k.a ‘the Irish Regiment,’ was organized in the city of New York under the command of Col. Michael Corcoran. The colonel was infamous for having refused to present his regiment for review to the Prince of Wales during the visit of 1860 – in protest against England’s ineffective response to famine in Ireland. Corcoran had been relieved of his command and was facing court-martial when the war broke out.

[O]n the morning of April 20th, Governor Morgan received a request to “quash at once the court martial on Col. Corcoran and restore him to his command.” This was followed by this dispatch; “The Sixty-ninth Irish regiment is ready for service anywhere; can the court-martial be discontinued, and the regiment be ordered into service?” The Governor at once directed the discontinuance of the court, and that the charges against the Colonel be dismissed, that he be released from arrest and the court dissolved. He at once issued a call for volunteers. Up to Monday night 6,500 names had been enrolled in his regiment. On Tuesday morning the Sixty-ninth was ordered to assemble at the armory to receive their equipments. It was not until 2 o’clock in the afternoon that all the men were equipped, after which the companies were formed, and accompanied by the enthusiastic crowd, marched to Great Jones street, from which point the regiment was to start. For several hours there had been an assemblage of men, women and children in Broadway, mostly Irish, which had driven every vehicle from that thoroughfare. Several Irish civic societies, comprising about 2,000 persons, with waving banners, had formed in procession in Broadway, as an escort, and patiently waited for the regiment to move. About 3 o’clock the order to march was received, and the entire procession, civic and military, moved down Broadway. The march was a triumphant one, and Colonel Corcoran, who arose from a bed of sickness to accompany his regiment, had to be protected by the police from the friendly crowd which pressed upon him. After the presentation of a beautiful stand of national colors by Mrs. Judge Daly, the Sixty-ninth embarked at half-past six on board the James Adger, for Washington [D.C].[14]

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69th 23 April 1861

“Departure of the 69th Reg.t N.Y.S.M. Tuesday, April 23rd 1861. The Irish Headquarters Around St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Cor Prince and Mott St.”

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The 1,050 men of 69th — Olone among them — sailed from the State of New York on 23 April 1861. The field officers were Colonel Michael Corcoran, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Nugent, and Major James Bagley. One of the first volunteer units to reach Washington, on arrival the regiment was stationed at Georgetown college.

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69th boarding ship

“The Sixty-ninth (Irish) Regiment Embarking in the ‘James Adger’ for the War, April 23, 1861.”

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The 69th served at and near Annapolis, Maryland, from 27 April 1861.

On 9 May 1861 the 69th was mustered in the service of the United States for three months. The regiment took part in the advance into Virginia and the occupation of Arlington Heights, 24 May 1861.

[O]n the 30th of May, they removed to a new camp on Arlington Heights, where defensive works had been erected, when the raising of the stars and stripes and naming of the fort (Corcoran) were celebrated with appropriate ceremonies. Near sunset, Colonel Corcoran having assembled all the troops, not on duty, numbering over thirteen hundred, introduced Colonel Hunter, of the Third cavalry, United States Army, who had just been assigned the command of the brigade of the Aqueduct, consisting of the Fifth, Twenty-eighth and Sixty-ninth New York militia regiments, and the detachments in the vicinity. Colonel Hunter was received with great enthusiasm, and Colonel Corcoran made some patriotic allusions to the flag, which were loudly cheered. Captain Meagher having been called upon made a brief but high-toned and patriotic address, showing the devotion Irishmen should bear to that flag which brought succor to them in Ireland, and to which, upon landing in this country, they had sworn undivided allegiance.[15]

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Mass for the 69th

Matthew Brady, photograph, depicting Father Thomas H. Mooney, the first chaplain of the 69th, presiding over mass at Fort Corcoran, Washington D.C. on 1 June 1861.

hugh at mass

Detail: could this be Hugh F. Olone of the ‘Fighting 69th’? (Compare with photo in captain’s uniform below.)

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On 18 July 1861, the 69th saw action in a skirmish at Blackburn’s Ford, as part of a campaign to preserve the Manassas railroad junction. One soldier was lost.

The true trial by fire, however, took place 21 July 1861, at the First Battle of Bull Run Creek, Virginia. The 69th had been placed with the 79th New York Militia, the 13th New York Volunteers, and the 2d Wisconsin in William Tecumseh Sherman’s 3d brigade of Erastus B. Tyler’s 1st division. The men of the 69th were subject to heavy firing, described as “very severe, and the roar of cannon, musketry and rifles incessant.”[16] Worse, they were outnumbered.

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Bull Run

Illustration, “Gallant Charge of the Sixty-ninth Regiment, New York State Militia, upon a Rebel Battery at the Battle of Bull Run,” Harper’s Magazine (10 August 1861), 508. Transcript below from page 503:

“This gallant regiment performed prodigies of valor that day. An officer of the Second thus speaks of their performance:

The Sixty-ninth Regiment, New York State Militia, performed prodigies of valor. They stripped themselves, and dashed into the enemy with the utmost fury. The difficulty was to keep them quiet. While the Second was engaging a regiment of rebels they retreated into a thick hay-field to draw the Northerners into a trap. The Second continued firing into them, while the Sixty-ninth, by a flank movement, took them in the rear, and pouring a deadly fire into their ranks, afterward charged them with the bayonet. The slaughter was terrible and the defeat complete, for not a man stirred of the whole five or six hundred. In this attack there were very few of the Sixty-ninth wounded.”

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Olone apparently fought well. Thomas Seaman Townsend, in The Honors of the Empire State in the War of the Rebellion (1889), averred, “At the first battle of Bull Run, his bravery was surpassed by none.” The 69th held ground “for sometime,” but ultimately “fell back in disorder.”[17] One officer and 36 enlisted men were killed; one officer and 59 enlisted men were wounded – 7 of the men subsequently dying of their wounds or infection/ disease. Three officers were captured – including Colonel Corcoran — and 92 enlisted men were either captured or missing. Olone was listed among the missing.

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Transcript, “LATEST NEWS OF THE BATTLE.; The Killed, Wounded and Missing. Complete Lists of the Men in Hospital. CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN WASHINGTON,” New York Times (24 July 1861; 25 July 1861):

SPECIAL DISPATCH FROM WASHINGTON.

WASHINGTON, Tuesday, July 23 — Midnight.

The following is a list of the wounded in Company A, Sixty-ninth Regiment:

Pat Lilly, Thomas Montgomery, Jeremiah Peters, Bernard Reynolds, Sergeant J. Kelleher, Corporal P. Cahill, W. Duncan, Thomas Eagan, Wm. Finnegan, Pat Flanegan, Richard C. Kelly, Richard A. Kelly, Joseph O’Flara.

The missing in the same company were: Thomas Brown, C. Crosby, O.J. Dully, John Dunne, John Gaffery, John Mulrooney, Maurice Murphy.

In Company B, Sixty-ninth, Richard Shuter is Killed.

In the same Company, the wounded are: P.W. O’Donnell, John Cullen, John Gallagher Patrick Rielly, John Scott, Corporal J. Kiernan, Luke Doyle, Jas McGinnis, John McTague, Peter Murphy, Davis Shorter.

The missing in Company B are George Butter, Francis Donnelly, Wm. Joyce, John Kerr, John F. McNeil, Wm. M. Carpenter, John Nugent, M.T. Walsh, Terrence Maguire.

In Company C, Hugh Reynolds is killed. The wounded in the same Company are: Patrick Blake, Corporal Timothy Carr, Lieut. J.M. Whittney, Thos. McDonald, Maxwell Sullivan, Pat. Fitzgerald, Edwd. Williams. Number of men missing, 10, number of muskets missing, 25.

In Company D, Patrick Caffrey was killed. The wounded are Sergeant Murphy, Corporal O’Brien, Hugh Fisher, Patrick Colanan, Wm. Casey, John Hayes, Jr., and Daniel O’Keete. The missing are Corporal O’Niel, Corporal Jackson, John Sullivan, John Hayes, Thes. Shehan, Wm. Manning, Jeremiah Castigan, Theo. Theben, Michael Coleman, Joseph Collins, Wm. Maher, H.F. Olone, Patrick Brennan, and George McKeon.

In Company E the killed are Wm. Powers, Bernard Quinn. The missing are Wm. Dalton, John Dowling, Jas. Cunningham, Robt. Fitzephel, Edw. Fitzharris, Patrick McCabe, Thos. Martin, Henry Pulshe, James Purcell, James Delryan, Edward Shields. The wounded are John Fitzgerald, John Hackett, G.A. Botton, Michael Keating.

In Company F, the killed are James Kain, D.O. Mally, Patrick Brady, Owen Donoghue. The wounded are Wm. Kenny, Second. Edward Dalton, Joseph Hogan, John Kalighan, B. Nolan. The missing are, James Mallaney, Michal Murphy, James McNulty, Hugh Hawkins, Thos. Carr.

In Company G, the killed are Corporal McBrennan, Pat. Flinn, Henry Higgins, Thos. M’Nickle, Michael Walsh. The wounded are Sergeant John McCrean, Sergeant Jos. Gallagher, Sergeant Jos. Hanlin, Sergeant Thos. O’Brien. Missing and wounded, Nick, Holland, Jas. Conly, Thos. Dunbar, Joseph Hohen, Pat. McGill, Pat. McAlhonney, Jas. M. Rarty, Richard Wallace.

In Company H the killed are Wm. Cogney, John Dillon, Thos. Herbert, James McGrath, John McCormick, J. Moran, John Owens. The wounded and missing are John Brennan, Peter Gilroy; the missing, Wm. Adams, Thos. A. Brown

President LINCOLN and Secretary SEWARD visited the camps on the other side this afternoon. As Fort Corcoran the President made a speech to the surviving members, of the Sixty-ninth, commending them for the valor they had displayed, and thanking them for their courage and devotion. The members threw up their caps, and shouted then willingness to enlist for the War.

At all the volunteers’ camps, the President and Secretary found the regiments very much demoralized, and but slowly getting into order. At Alexandria, there are many stragglers, but plenty of food, and they are last being gathered together and reorganized. About one-half the Rhode Islanders are in their old quarters. They are not badly cut up. and but little demoralized. Gov. SPRAGUE has given orders to the officers to spare no expense to getting the regiments in condition, and to change the cost to him.

The Sanitary Commission sent over a deputation of C. L. BRUCE and Dr. TOMES to inquire after the wounded, whether any flag of truce had been sent for them, and whether they could afford surgical aid of nurses, &c. It appears that Gen. MCDOWELL had already sent Major WADSWORTH with a flag of truce and an ambulance train, and that five surgeons had voluntarily and nobly remained to take care of the wounded and be prisoners themselves.

Dr. MCGRUDER, Assistant Surgeon on the staff, states that he saw about three hundred wounded in the temporary hospitals near the battle-field. He thinks that none, except one or two, were left in Centreville or Fairfax Court-house.

Messrs. BRUCE and TOMES made an effort to reach the wounded in Virginia last evening, but could only go some nine miles, as our pickets ceased there, and the enemy might be beyond. …”

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It is possible that Olone had been captured and was confined at Richmond, Virginia, with Colonel Corocran. He might, however, have been transported elsewhere — perhaps  to Castle Pinckney, South Carolina (shown below).

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“Civil War: Battles of Bull Run: Union Prisoners of War,” showing men of the 69th held at Casement 2, Castle Pinckney, South Carolina, 1861, in Robert S. Lanier, ed., The Photographic History of the Civil War in Ten Volumes, vol. 7 (New York: Review of Reviews Co., 1911).

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Transcript, “LETTER FROM COL. CORCORAN. The Manner Of His Capture By The Rebels.” New York Times (11 August 11 1861):

Richmond, Va., July 29, 1861.

Dear Wife: I wrote a letter to Capt. Kirker a few days since acquainting him of my being in close confinement here, also Capt. McIvor and Lieut. Connolly, with about 37 other officers and 600 non-commissioned officers and privates from various regiments, among whom are Sergeants Murphy and Donnohue and 35 privates of my regiment.  They are all in good health.  I was very ill for the first two days after my arrest, but feel quite well at present.  I am deeply affected at the loss of Acting Lieut. Col. Haggerty, who was among the first who fell on the battlefield, and also several of my brave soldiers.  It is, however, consoling that they attender their religious duties before that day.  I had many hair-breadth escapes, but God in His infinite mercy has been pleased to preserve me.

I am uneasy to know the fate of many officers and members whom I had not seen in line immediately after the battle, among them are Capts. Thomas Francis Meagher and Cavanaugh, and Acting-Adjutant (late Captain) John H. Nugent.  My regiment came off the field in admirable order, and were on the road to Centreville, where I halted to rest and await orders for future action, knowing that our artillery would need protection in returning.  Two regiments that had not been in line and were returning in disorder, hung on my flank, and when the cavalry were seen advancing toward us, these regiments broke precipitately through my lines, throwing us into disorder, and caused a general flight.

I dismounted and crossed a rail fence, over which they had gone, and got the color bearer to halt, and called on the men to rally around the flag, but just at this moment a discharge of carbines from the pursuing cavalry and our own artillery drowned my voice, and destroyed all my efforts to muster the men.  I had only nine men who heard me and halted, and those, with two officers and myself, were immediately surrounded and taken to Manassas that night.  We left there the following morning, and arrived here Tuesday night.  Lieuts. Bagley and Gannon, with two Colonels, one Lieutenant-Colonel and other officers and privates of various regiments, arrived here this morning.  Some of our wounded have also been brought here, but I have not yet learned their names.  Give my love to your [?], William, Capt. Kirker and all friends.

Your affectionate husband,

Michael Corcoran

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Transcript, “THE BULL RUN PRISONERS,” New York Times (5 August 1861):

The prisoners taken by the rebels at Bull Run are being distributed for safe keeping throughout the Southern States, some of them being sent as far South as Montgomery. A large number have been sent to Raleigh. If well treated, they will still be subject to all the diseases incident to a Southern climate, to which many will undoubtedly fall victims. The Fire Zouaves are caged up in a factory at Richmond, and are gazed at through the bars by the populace as if they were wild beasts. We know of no other mode in which these prisoners can be returned to us except by exchange; but, unfortunately, we have no rebel prisoners of the rank and file, our practice being to discharge all such on their taking the oath of allegiance. Gen. MCCLELLAN’s command took a thousand, at least. Had these been retained, we could by this time have secured the return of every prisoner lost by us at Bull Run. Would it not be well to change our practice in this respect, and retain all the prisoners actually taken in arms, to meet the contingency of a reverse on our part similar to the one we have just sustained?

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By the time the uncaptured survivors of the 69th had returned to New York City and were mustered out of service on 3 August 1861, many of the men of the original contingent were still absent. As the above newspaper opinion piece indicates, the problem that faced imprisoned enlisted men was that no formal exchange system for prisoners of war had been instituted at the start of the Civil War because President Abraham Lincoln had not recognized the Confederate States as having wartime rights. After Bull Run, Congress requested that measures be put in place. The first government-sanctioned exchanges did not begin until February 1862. It was not until 22 July 1862 that a formal agreement detailed the workings of a prisoner exchange system.

It is not clear how Olone made his way home (it seems likely he was among the prisoners, though it is possible that he was among those who evaded capture by stowing aboard a sailing vessel bound for the Bay of Fundy).[18]

Wherever he had been after Bull Run, Olone resurfaced in 1862, as newly engaged with the 170th New York Infantry, 4th regiment, Irish Volunteers, Company F, to serve three years. He  mustered in as a second lieutenant, which suggests that  his performance with the 69th was judged exemplary.[19]

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Transcript, “Departure of the One Hundred and Seventieth Regiment. The First of Corcoran’s Legion off for the War,” newspaper clipping:

The camp of the Irish Legion, on Staten Island, was the scene of the most lively excitement last Thursday morning, owing to the preparations for the departure of the One Hundred and Seventieth regiment, New York Volunteers, for the seat of war. This regiment is known as the Second of the Legion, and has very justly earned the distinction of being named the banner regiment of the Legion, being the first ready for the service, as well as the best drilled and most efficient in every respect. Though it was not generally known that the regiment was under marching order, still a few having been let into the secret, a great number of people from the city went down to Camp Scott by the first boat on Thursday morning to bid their friends the last adieu. The parting scenes between husbands and wives, parents and sons, sisters and brothers, were of an unusually affecting character, on account of the sudden and unexpected time of the departure. It was not believed that the regiment would leave for another week, and hence the sorrow of parting was increased by the deep sting of disappointment. As an instance of the discipline and efficiency of the One Hundred and Seventieth regiment, it may be mentioned that, though marching orders were only promulgated to the men on Wednesday, everything was in readiness at seven o’clock on Thursday morning, the hour announced for departure. A delay was occasioned, however, by the transport not being on hand to receive the regiment. About eleven o’clock the men were ordered on dress parade, with knapsacks, muskets, &c., and were inspected closely by General Corcoran and staff. At the end of the inspection the General addressed the regiment in an appropriate speech complimenting the men for their splendid appearance, and also eulogizing the officers for their energy and skill in bringing the corps to its present state of efficiency. He said the One Hundred and Seventieth and fairly won the proud distinction of being the first in readiness for service, and he sent them forward with the belief that they would comport themselves in such a manner as to reflect honor upon themselves, their countrymen and the Irish legion. He also alluded to the inconvenience suffered by some of the men in not receiving their bounty money; but he pledged himself that every cent justly due to them should be paid in Washington. These remarks were enthusiastically applauded, and cheers were also given for Col. McDermott, commanding the regiment, as well as for all the other officers.–The regiment was then marched in fine order under a drenching rain to the steamer Atlas, in waiting at the dock near Fort Diamond. The men proceeded on board without waiting, and were assigned positions by companies on the transport. The process of getting the ammunition, rations, officers’ baggage and their numerous other articles on board, occupied from noon until four o’clock, when the hawsers were taken in and the Atlas started on her journey for South Amboy, which place was reached about seven o’clock in the evening. All along the Staten island and jersey shores the boys of the One Hundred and Seventieth were treated to cheers and vivas from the people there assembled.

The officers of this regiment are as follows:– Staff Officers.–Colonel, Peter McDermott; Lieutenant Colonel, James T. McIvor; Major, George W. Warner; Adjutant, Patrick McCarthy; Quartermaster, Walter T. Burke; Surgeon, S. Heath; First Assistant Surgeon, H. Olmstead; Second Assistant Surgeon, Seth S. Lounsbery;

Non-Commissioned Staff.–Sergeant major, Timothy Craney; Quartermaster’s Sergeant, B. Robbins; Commissary Sergeant, Francis B. Seely; Hospital Steward, Richard H. Palmer; Drum Major, Mayers Oliver; Color Sergeant, John Dougherty; Right General Guide, James Connell; Left General Guide, Hiram Myers; Bugler, Edward Ingalls; Colonel’s Secretary, Edward Grieve.

Company A–Redmond McManus, Captain; Ed Byrne, First Lieutenant, James Smith, Second Lieutenant. Company B—August B. Sage, Captain; Walter H. Holmes, First Lieutenant; Aug. Duhaine, Second Lieutenant. Company C—Michael C. Murphy, Captain; George L. Turner, First Lieutenant; John G. Mugher, Second Lieutenant. Company D–James De Harry, Captain; Pat R. Dunn, First Lieutenant; Joseph F. Donnelly, Second Lieutenant. Company E–Jeremiah Lynch, Captain; Richard Morris, First Lieutenant; Wm. Forrestall, Second Lieutenant. Company F–John Connery, Captain; John J. McManus, First Lieutenant; Hugh F. Olone, Second Lieutenant. Company G–Jas. W. Fitzmaurice, Captain; Thomas D. Norris; First Lieutenant; Charles Hagan, Second Lieutenant. Company H— John J. Duff, Captain; Francis A. Tooney, First Lieutenant; James H. Keeley, Second Lieutenant. Company I–John Halpin, Captain; Joseph C. Scully, First lieutenant; Wm. Mullins, Second Lieutenant. Company K–John B. Donnelly, Captain; John Coyle, First Lieutenant; John T. McNeil, Second Lieutenant.

The regiment went out over nine hundred strong, and on their arrival at Washington will be quartered at Fort Corcoran. General Corcoran went on to Washington on Thursday evening to see the regiment properly attended to.

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Hugh F. Olone’s Service with the 170th:

chart1chart2

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Portrait of Hugh F. Olone circa his promotion to Captain in March 1863 (photoshopped into graphic of Civil War era frame — to view the unaltered original see Joseph Maghe, facebook album, Corcoran’s Irish Legion, The Irish in America’s Civil War Memorial. For a related WordPress site see Damian Shiels, Irish in the American Civil War). m

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Transcript, “MILITARY AFFAIRS. RESPECT FOR THE MEMORY OF GEN. CORCORAN,” newspaper clipping:

On the receipt of the news of the death of Gen. Corcoran [December 22, 1863], a meeting of the officers of the One Hundred and Seventieth regiment New York Volunteers took place at Union Mills, Virginia, to take action respecting the melancholy occurrence. Lieutenant Colonel Michael Murphy presided, and Lieutenant P. J. Dunne officiated as Secretary. Captain Scully presented a series of appropriate resolutions, deploring the death of Gen. Corcoran, and condoling with his widow upon her sad bereavement. A committee of three, consisting of Major J. B. Donnelly, Capt. Hugh F. O’Lone and Lieut. Montgomery, was appointed for the purpose of having the resolutions suitably engrossed and presented to Mrs. Gen. Corcoran, after which the meeting adjourned.

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chart3chart4[20]

 

Olone was wounded, likely during the action at Rives House, a.k.a. the “Battle of Old Men and Young Boys” on 9 June 1864. (Some refer to this action as the real beginning of the campaign at Petersburg, rather than the traditionally cited date of 15 June  1864.)

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Hugh F. ‘Bob’ Olone and Red River Settlement of Assiniboia

Sometime after the close of his military service, Olone entered into a business proposition with two other men — Jim Clewett and Bill Sammon/ Salmon.

  • Clewett appears to have been a corporal in the Union cavalry. If so, he served at Washington to March, 1863; and in 1st Brigade, Stahel’s Cavalry Division, 22d Army Corps, to June, 1863. This Clewett’s unit was with the 2d Brigade, 3d Division, Cavalry Corps, Army of the Potomac, to March, 1864, and the 1st Brigade, 1st Division, Cavalry Corps, Army of the Potomac, to August, 1864. It is possible that Clewett was wounded about this time and met Olone while hospitalized (otherwise he would have been moved with the Army of the Shenandoah, Middle Military Division, to March, 1865, and Army of the Potomac to June, 1865).
  • William Salmon was described as “an ex-sergeant of the U.S. army.”[21] He might, therefore, have been the William B. Salmon of the 9th Maine Infantry, whose unit was before Petersburg, 15-19 June 1864 (where Olone was wounded), and at the Siege of Petersburg and Richmond 16 June 1864 to February 1865.

However it was that the three came into company, they apparently pooled their resources to invest in wagons and trade goods — including some “two hundred gallons” of whiskey – and then headed north and west, about as far from the fields of conflict as they could get.[22]

They arrived at Portage La Prairie in the autumn of 1865, set up shop, and spent the winter there. According to one surviving account, they integrated into the community in a respectable manner.[23]

According to stories recounted in later years, on 28 May 1866 the three whiskey-traders got into a dispute with a number of armed Saulteux. These were allegedly associated with Kwingwahaka [sic]/ Kwi-gwa-ha-ka [sic]/ gwiingwa’aage/ Wolverine (although the name might have been kîhkwahâhkêw, which is Cree).[24] In the course of the affray — described as though it were a gun fight in a ‘wild west’ adventure tale — Salmon was shot, Clewett was stabbed, and one of Kwingwahaka’s party was killed.[25] The wounded (and possibly the whiskey) were transported to Upper Fort Garry. Clewett seems to have survived, but Salmon died some ten days afterward. Olone (and presumably the whiskey) remained in the Town of Winnipeg.[26]

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‘Bob’ gets named in the news

 

accident

Notice, Nor’-Wester (25 August 1868), 2, indicates that after moving to Winnipeg, Olone had occasion to do more than just meet ‘Dr.’ John C. Schultz (for whom no record of actual medical certification exists).[27]

bob

Notice, Nor’-Wester (29 September 1868), 3.

 

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Olone’s address, means of employment, or other activities immediately after moving to Winnipeg are unknown. They begin to become clearer during the second half of 1868. First, a newspaper account reported that he broke his leg in a fall from a horse during the summer. It was at this time that the nickname ‘Bob’ first appears associated with his name. (Perhaps it was conferred due to his having to hop about on one leg for a time — as a wordplay on ‘bobbing along’ and ‘Bob Olone’). Then, at the close of the year, newspaper advertisements indicate that Olone had found a business partner in John ‘Lemons’ Lennon.[28] They opened a saloon together along the main street of the town.

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olone and lennon

Advertisement, Nor’-Wester (21 December 1868), 3.

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As would continue to be Olone’s practice, the establishment operated under the surnames of the proprietors (not, as is sometimes asserted, under the name of ‘The Red Saloon’). Subsequent advertisements show that Olone had several different business partners, taking the saloon through various incarnations.[29]

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Advertisement for Olone’s saloon,  Nor’-Wester (3 July 1869), 3 — note Olone’s nickname.

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The location of the saloon, however, stayed constant: beyond the North Gate of the Hudson’s Bay Company [HBC] Upper Fort Garry; across Main Street from Devlin’s Restaurant; in the Town of Winnipeg. It was also across from ‘Dr.’ John C. Schultz‘s newly built brick drugstore/ warehouse/ boarding house. (In fact the town was diminutive and haphazardly arranged, so that Olone’s establishment could be described as ‘across’ from a number of other buildings.)[30]

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winnipeg town

‘Kemp’/ James C. Kent? sketch, “Winnipeg Looking North from Near Upper Fort Garry 1870,” (c. 1870).

Olone's Saloon

Detail: Olone’s Saloon

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The saloon was situated so as to place Olone in the midst of events during the Red River Resistance of 1869-1870 — ranging from the seeming silly to the certainly significant.  Schultz, Olone’s neighbour across Main Street, was closely connected to the events as well, but on an opposing side. A rift  between the two appears to have consolidated by the summer of ’69 — if the notorious flag shenanigans outlined below can be taken as an indication.

In June of 1869, the parliament of Canada ratified terms for the transfer of Rupert’s Land and the North-West from the HBC to the British Crown, setting the initial date of transfer as 1 October 1869. Canada then passed An Act for the Temporary Government of Rupert’s Land, 1869, and arranged to send a Lieutenant Governor — William McDougall — to Red River to replace HBC Governor William Mactavish and his Council of Assiniboia as the official government in charge of the settlement. Schultz — regarded as a leader among Canadians at Red River, known locally as ‘the Canadian Party‘ — expressed his jubilance by raising a flag in front of his drugstore. It was “the British flag with the words ‘Canada’ inserted in the middle of it in white letters.”[31] Apparently, this was considered to be “of course, anything but pleasing to Governor McTavish [sic].”[32]

According to one story:

Among other sympathizers with the Governor and the company were to be numbered nearly all of the Americans in place, and some of the lower orders of these during the early morning of the 1st of July, hauled the obnoxious flag down, and in its place hoisted the Fenian flag. This was, of course, hauled down as soon as it was observed; but it was a great grievance to the Canadian party that the people guilty of hoisting the Fenian flag, were furnished by the Governor, on the 4th of July, with a cannon for the purpose of firing a salute in honor of Independence day.[33]

It is conceivable that the ‘Fenian flag’ was in fact a souvenir standard from Olone’s former regiment, the ‘1st Irish Brigade’/ ‘Fighting 69th’ (he may well have displayed one in his saloon — and may have sung rousing dongs as well).[34] Mactavish’s act of lending a canon for a ‘street party’ celebration, after the survival of the United States from civil war, could have been a simple courtesy extended to a good neighbour (and fellow Catholic congregant, whose Irish heritage was shared by Mactavish’s wife, Sarah).[35] Schultz, apparently not amused, dealt with the insult by persisting to fly his ‘Canadian’ flag, unfazed by the idea that it might be regarded as offensive.[36]

By this point, Olone had cultivated a number of contacts who were well regarded in the settlement. The Nor’-Wester of 13 September 1869 reported that he had chaired a meeting to establish a fire department. In this endeavor, he associated with such notables as Henry McKenny, Alexander Begg, and A.G.B. Bannatyne. Governor Mactavish donated the fire engine and the fledgling brigade took the name ‘Mactavish Fire Engine Company No. 1.’ Buckets and hooks were ordered from the U.S. and a fire-hall was constructed. Fundraising events would be held there on 7 and 26 January 1870 — styled after a New York City tradition, the Firemen’s Ball.[37]

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Clippings from the Nor’-Wester (13 September 1869), 2 — for a report on the fire see Fire,” Nor’-Wester (7 September 1869), 2.

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In the meantime, Olone was engaged in community discussions and meetings regarding Red River’s political future. According to an affidavit sworn by John Lennon in 1876, after la barriere/ the barricade was raised at St. Norbert (20 October 1869) against McDougall’s entry into the country, Olone went with Lennon to speak with Governor Mactavish and ask “his opinion of the movement.” They came away from the interview believing that those at the barricade “were perfectly right in resisting” and:

That the Canadian Government had no right to force the purchase of the country and thus injure the half-breeds, and that the Hudson Bay Company were forced to take the three hundred thousand pounds rather than nothing from the Dominion Government, and that it was an act of injustice to them as well.[38]

Olone subsequently participated in the 16 November to 1 December 1869 ‘Convention of Twenty-four,’ as a representative for Winnipeg. His military experience appears to have been considered of value at this time – he was enlisted as a 2nd lieutenant in the Settlement guard under Ambroise-Dydime Lépine.[39]

By 3 December, Olone had organized a meeting at his premises to “form a company for the protection of the Town.”[40] The company patrolled Winnipeg, keeping an eye on the activities of the Canadian Party and Schultz. That group had formed a volunteer militia and were bent on taking control of the settlement. One contingent succeeded in installing itself in Lower Fort Garry. Schultz’s contingent planned on wresting control of Upper Fort Garry and making it the seat of a Canadian-led provisional government. After taking up an indefensible position in Schultz’s drugstore, however, all of the Canadians inside opted to surrender. On 7 December they were summarily arrested and jailed.[41]

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Advertisement, posted in New Nation (14 January through to 11 March 1870).

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By early January 1870 Olone had a new business partner, R.D. Campbell.[42] Political affairs at the settlement continued to evolve.

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olone and campbell

New Nation (11 February 1870), 3. m

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dissolution

New Nation (17 May 1870), 3.

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Olone was not a representative at the Convention of Forty held from 25 January to 10 February 1870 — Winnipeg was instead represented by Alfred H. Scott. One of the acts of the convention was to establish a representative, provisional government, complete with an elected legislative assembly. Another of the convention’s acts was to appoint three delegates to travel to Ottawa and negotiate the terms for confederating with Canada. Scott was chosen as one of the delegates. Olone and Scott therefore circulated a petition, on 12 February, to ensure that the Town of Winnipeg would have a representative in the legislative assembly. (As the point of such an assembly was to pass laws, on such things as import duties and liquor licences, representation was important to business proprietors.) As a result of their efforts, the town was granted two seats in the legislature, to which Scott and Olone were elected.[43]

To become an ‘Honourable Member’ of the Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia, Olone swore the following oath:

I, _[Hugh Francis Olone]_, do solemnly swear that I will, to the best of my ability, faithfully perform all the duties of a member of the Legislative Assembly of the Provisional Government of Assiniboia — So help me God.

Transcripts of the debates of the Assembly show Olone to have been present and active during the first two sessions of the legislative assembly, held 9 to 26 March and 26 April to 9 May.[44] It was in early May that he had his photo taken with Louis Riel and other early proponents of establishing the representative government at the settlement.[45]

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prov govt

Joe Langevin, photograph, “President Riel, in group with a number of members of the Government and prominent defenders of the people’s rights,” probably taken at R.H. McLaughlin’s Picture Gallery (c. 3 May 1870), showing Olone resting his arm on the knee of former president, John Bruce, and hand on the knee of current president, Louis Riel. Along with the president of the Provisional Government of Assiniboia, ten honourable members of the Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia are present (including Olone). Credit: Library and Archives Canada / PA-012854. Note: different archives identify the men in the photograph differently.

(back row, from left to right): Bonnet Tromage [or Charles Laroque, but apparently François Guilmette], Pierre de Lorme [Delorme], Thomas Bunn, Xavier Page [Pagé], Baptiste Beauchemin [apparently André Beauchemin], Baptiste Tournond [Tourond], Joseph [apparently Thomas] Spence.

(middle row, left-right): Pierre Poitras, John Bruce, Louis Riel, John O’Donoghue [actually his name was William O’Donoghue], François Dauphinais.

(Front row, L-R): Robert O’Lone [actually Hugh Francis ‘Bob’ Olone], Paul Proulx.

The authority, for identifying those individuals presented above in parentheses as “apparently” being someone else, is: Archives of Manitoba, Photograph Collection, Red River Distrurbance 1, a small reprint of a larger group photo that indicates the larger original had the names of the members of the council printed on a surrounding border. Some of the names on the small reprint have been crossed out and corrected in ink. A note on the back explains: “July 30. 1934. Submitted duplicate of this Red R. Rest. picture, without names, to: John-Marie Poitras aged 96; Pauline McDougall [aged] 84; Daniel Carriere [aged] 84; Martin Gerome [aged] 84; also Frederic Genthon [aged] 77; and all these – who knew the men personally – certified the names are correct with the changes noted.” The card is stamped: “Manitoba Historical Society, 255 Legislative Bldg., Winnipeg 1, Man.”

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By the beginning of June, Olone was in business with William ‘Billy’ Cosgrove.[46] Across Main Street, Schultz’s establishment was relatively quiet. The latter, having broken out of jail for the second time in January, had failed for a second time to successfully launch an attack on Upper Fort Garry in February. For the time being, Schultz was content to whip up anti-Riel, anti-Catholic, and anti-Aboriginal sentiment at ‘indignation meetings’ in Canada.[47] He was successful insofar as two of the Red River delegates to Ottawa had been arrested on arrival (Alfred H. Scott was detained in jail from to 12 April to 22 April; Nöel-Joseph Ritchot was in police custody from 13 April to about 20 April).[48] Nevertheless, the negotiations at Ottawa between the delegates and Canadian officials concluded positively.

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olone and cosgrove

New Nation (24 May 1870), 3, note that ‘Bob’ is now in business with ‘Billy.’ [Their last advertisement appeared in the last issue of the paper, 3 September 1870. By June 1871, William ‘Billy’ Cosgrove would go into business with Edward Lennon, advertising the ‘Red Saloon’ in Le Metis (15 June 1871), 3.]

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It was during the third session of the Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia (23 and 24 June 1870), that Olone made his most significant contribution to Canadian history. On 24 June, in what would prove to be its last act, after due consideration, the twenty-eight member Assembly voted unanimously to ratify the Manitoba Act devised in Ottawa. In agreeing that Assininiboia would enter the Dominion of Canada, Olone became one of the creators of the Province of Manitoba.[49]

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The Unsolved Murder of Hugh F. Olone

Within a year of having actively participated in bringing the Province of Manitoba into being, Hugh Olone was dead. In February of 1871 a notice of his impending demise appeared in the Manitoba News-letter. The paper was owned by Schultz. He had returned to Winnipeg as a vocal (and vitriolic) enemy of everything to do with the previous provisional government. The notice read:

Badly Hurt.—Hugh O’Lone (better known here as Bob,) a ‘General’ in the rebel force of last winter, got into an altercation with some American half-breeds at Pembina, about a fort-night ago, and got so severely hurt on the head that the U.S. Post-Surgeon at Pembina, declined to perform the Surgical operation necessary to ensure recovery without assistance. There being no medical man nearer than Fort Garry, assistance was sought here, and Dr. Turver went on Monday evening and gave the patient the benefit of his professional skill.[50]

On 7 March 1871 the Saint Paul Daily Pioneer reported that Hugh F. ‘Bob’ Olone had been killed by a blow to the head from a revolver in early January. His family in New York posted a death notice in the New York Herald on 27 April 1861.[51] In the opinion of historians such as A.-H. de Trémaudan and Ruth Swan, Olone’s death was one of several assassinations meted out not by Métis individuals, but by Canadian troops of the Red River Expeditionary Force [RREF] after their arrival in August of 1870 — as retribution for the execution of Thomas Scott.[52] Although there is no indication that Olone had anything whatsoever to do with the Scott court martial (and, reputedly, he sought to prevent executions), he does appear to have been disliked by Schultz (a man whom Olone had openly distrusted[53]). Given Schultz’s violent associates, that was a dangerous position to be in.[54]

Olone, along with other Americans who had lived at the Town of Winnipeg, relocated south of the border to avoid violence directed their way after the RREF’s arrival. Joseph Tennant, a bugler with the Canadian force, recorded that, about the middle of September,

No. 1 Company of the Ontario Rifles, under Captain Cooke, was sent to the International Boundary Line, and wintered in Fort North Pembina, the Hudson Bay Post on the frontier, for the purpose of watching half-breed fugitives, and the Americans who had leagued themselves with Riel to suit their own purposes.

Tennant recounted,

Passes were … granted at intervals to exchange visits with the American troops in their new fort, which was built a mile south of the town and named Fort Pembina. Our fellows were well treated by the American soldiers and citizens, except by those who had fled from Fort Garry and were wintering in Pembina. Among these were Colonel [Enos] Stutsman, Jimmy [McCarthy] from Cork (a cranky little Irish-American) and Bob O’Lone [sic]. Stutsman and Jimmy resented the visits of the Volunteers to Pembina. Bob O’Lone, a more genial character, and the United States Sheriff, John Lennon, a brother of the late Dennis Lennon,[sic] the well-known hotel proprietor in Winnipeg,[55] were always ready to prevent interference with the Canadian soldiers.

It was at a dance held for the soldiers, described by Tennant as “a half-breed dance,” that Olone’s skull was smashed.[56] As it was the purpose of the Ontario Volunteers to spy on Métis and American affiliates of the former Provisional Government of Assiniboia, there is good reason to expect Canadians were present at the event. Given their penchant for retributive ‘justice’ there is little reason to lay blame for the fatal attack on Olone elsewhere.

To date, no evidence has been found that Olone’s murder was ever investigated. The manner and place of his burial are likewise unknown.

 

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Family Ties:

1. James OLONE. Born Ireland; possibly residing at 595 Greenwich Street, New York NY, in 1841 (in which case he was the victim of a theft that year).[57]

— sp. Mary Margaret. Born c. 1795/ 1797, Ireland; lived in New York City, Manhattan Island; widowed by 1855, when living at E.D. 4, Ward 22, New York City NY; died after 1877.[58]

2. OLONE, John J. Born c. 1828, Canada; in 1851 was a founding member of the Brownson Association (for mental and moral improvement)[59]; during the 1860s lived at 655 7th Ave. New York City, Manhattan Island, New York; worked in the framing/prints/mirrors business; died c. 2 January 1876; death notice placed in the New York Herald 18 January 1876 by his wife.[60]

— sp. McLAUGHLIN, Anna ‘Annie’ M. Born 1835, Pennysylvania, to Robert McLAUGHLIN (born 1808 Ireland)[61]; brother Charles J. McLAUGHLIN was killed in action, age 27, Battle of Manassas, 1862[62]; possibly sister to R.H. McLAUGHLIN, photographer, Town of Winnipeg; mentioned in the New York Herald, 2 January 1876, perhaps as widowed; in 1877 and 1878 recorded as living at 145 E. 126th[63]; court case to recover jewellery stolen by ‘intelligent’ house maid Celia Hughes’s boyfriend, 1878; living with her two children, her sister Mary and her 78 year old, widowed father — along with 6 other people — in 1880; died c. 19 February 1908.[64]

3. OLONE, James J. Born 1857, New York[65]; clerk in store, 1880.

3. OLONE, Charles Gibbons. Born c. 1861/1862; died Tuesday, 21 April 1863; funeral notice: “The friends of the family are respectfully invited to attend the funeral, this (Thursday) afternoon, April [2]9, at 2 o’clock, from No. 655, 7th-av”.[66]

3. OLONE, John Joseph. Infant, died 24 January 1864; funeral 26 January 1864 “from No. 655 7th-av, on Tuesday, at 1 o’clock P.M.”[67]

3. OLONE. Margaret M. Born 1868.

2. OLONE, James A. Born c. 1830, New York NY; firefighter; framer, address 437 E. 112th., 1877.[68]

Mary. Born c. 1834, Ireland.

3. John. Born c. 1861, New York NY.

3. Charles. Born c. 1864, New York NY.

3. Robert. Born c. 1866, New York NY.

3. James. Born c. 1871, New York NY.

3. Joseph. Born c. 1873, New York NY.

3. Kate. Born c. 1875, New York NY.

2. OLONE, Hugh Francis. Born c. 1831/ 1836; firefighter; soldier & officer American Civil War; Hon. member of the Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia; murdered early 1871; death notice placed in the New York Herald 27 April 1871 by his brother John J. Olone.

2. OLONE, Patrick. Born 1837; died of consumption Tuesday, 14 June 1864; funeral notice: “His friends, and those of his brothers, John J., James and Hugh F., are respectfully invited to attend his funeral, from No. 655 7th-av., on Thursday, at 1 1/2 o’clock P.M.”[69]


[1] La Société historique de Saint-Boniface, ‘Hugh F. Olone,’ Family Group Sheet (18 September 2010).

[2] See, for example, John Bruce, affidavit, quoted in Canada, Parliament, Debates of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada, 3d session, 3d parliament, A.M. Burgess ed. (Ottawa: Maclean, Roger & Company, 1876), 812. Oddly, while Canadian historians appear disinterested in Hugh Olone’s story, his invented ‘brother’ is so entrenched in Manitoba historiography as to leave a biographical trail, see “Memorable Manitobans: Robert ‘Bob’ Olone (?-1872),” Manitoba Historical Society (accessed 5 September 2014); George F. Reynolds, “The Man Who Created the Corner of Portage and Main,” Manitoba Historical Society [MHS] Transactions ser. 3, no. 26 (1969-1970 season); Library and Archives Canada [LAC], PA-012854, photo, ‘Riel’s Council,’ identifies Hugh as Robert O’Lone; Graham A. MacDonald, “‘Kootenai” Brown in the Red River Valley,” Manitoba History 30 (Autumn 1995), avers “in the famous portrait of Louis Riel and his Council of 1869-70, early descriptions of the photo identified Bob O’Lone as the man seated in the front row to Riel’s right. This version of the photo was incorporated into the works of many of the early Red River historians such as R. G. MacBeth. This figure was later correctly identified by G. F. G. Stanley as Hugh F. O’Lone, brother of Robert”; G. F. G. Stanley, Louis Riel (Toronto: Ryerson, 1963), 146 n.; Thomas Flanagan, “Louis Riel and the Dispersion of the Red River Métis,” Minnesota History Magazine 49, (n.d.), 179.

[3] H. Wilson, ed., Trow’s New York City Directory vol. 78 (New York: John F. Trow, 1865), 674, lists Margaret as the widow of James Olone. Her home address is 655, 7th Avenue, the same home address given for Hugh F., John J., and Patrick Olone. See also La Societé historique de Saint-Boniface ‘Hugh F. Olone,’ Family Group Sheet (18 September 2010).

[4]Leroy Street, Greenwich Village,” Forgotten New York (accessed 3 September 2014).

[5]The Burying Ground Beneath the Ball Field — James Walker Park,” Daytonian in Manhattan (accessed 3 September 2014).

[6]Greenwich Village Historic District Extension Designation Report,” New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission (2 May 2006), 60.

[7]Turf of Gangs and Gangsters,” New York Times (17 August 2007). There was another area, known as the Five Points district, that was regarded as a violent slum before the advent of Hell’s Kitchen’s rough and tumble days.

[8] “United States Census, 1860,” index, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/MC4T-X2V: accessed 05 Sep 2014), John J Olone, 2d Division 22d Ward, New York, New York, United States; citing “1860 U.S. Federal Census – Population,” Fold3.com; p. 82, household ID 593, NARA microfilm publication M653; FHL microfilm 803820.

[9] H. Wilson, ed., Trow’s New York City Directory vol. 74 (New York: John F, Trow, 1861), 657; “Died. … Olone.– Patrick,” New York Times (15 June 1864); The Cultivator & Country Gentleman, vol.s 27-28 (10 May 1866), 312; “Annual report of the Chief Engineer of the Fire Department of the City of New York,” (New York NY: Nesbitt and Co., 1858) [hat tip to Joseph Maghe for finding this source].

[10] “Annual report of the Chief Engineer of the Fire Department of the City of New York,” [hat tip, Joseph Maghe]. On historic volunteer firefighters of New York see Frank Kernan, Reminiscences of the Old Fire Laddies and Volunteer Fire Departments of New York and Brooklyn (New York: M. Crane, 1885), illustrated; and George William Sheldon, The Story of the Volunteer Fire Department of the City of New York (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1882), illustrated.

[11]The City Government; [Official.] Board of Councilmen. Petitions. Resolutions Motion. Reports. Communication. Reports Resumed. Resolutions Resumed. Special Order. General Orders. Motions Resumed,” New York Times (31 October 1862).

[12]The Naming of Long Acre Square,” New York Times (8 March 1903).

[13] Joseph G. Bilby, The Irish Brigade in the Civil War: the 69th New York and other Irish regiments of the Army of the Potomac (Cambridge MA: Da Capo Press, 1995), 22. Apparently there were four different flags. Not all sources agree on the dates of presentation of each. One online source transcribes the scroll on the flag shown above as “4th” not 1st regiment. Terry L. Jones, “The Fighting Irish Brigade,” New York Times online (11 December 2012), notes, “Before leaving for battle, the three New York regiments were presented beautiful silk flags in a ceremony held in front of Archbishop John Joseph Hughes’ home. The flags, with a gold harp, white clouds and sunburst on a green background, would become conspicuous on many future battlefields. Across the bottom of each, written in Gaelic, was the brigade’s motto: [Riamh Nar Dhruid O Sbairn Lann] ‘Who never retreated from the clash of spears.'” The 1861 Tiffany flag pictured above appears to show the name of regiment and brigade only. Reputedly the battle cry of the 69th was Faugh an BeallachFaugh a Ballagh (Clear The Way!). An 1862 Tiffany flag was presented to President J.F. Kennedy in 1962.

[14] New York State Legislature, Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York, vol. 4, 89th session (Albany NY: C. Wendell, 1866), 305.

[15] Ibid., 306.

[16] Ibid., 307.

[17] Thomas Seamore Townsend [compiler of the ‘Library of National Records], The Honors of the Empire State in the War of the Rebellion (New York: A. Lovell and Co. 1889), 202, [hat tip to Joseph Maghe for finding the source]; and ibid.

[18] See John Neville, cited in “Where Pirates Fought For Treasure And An Admiral Was Born,” and his comments on Yankee escapees after Bull Run.

[19] Another possibility — albeit exceptionally remote — is that at some point Olone had attended West Point Military Academy, given that its cadets, whether full-term graduates or not, were rushed into service and commissioned 2nd Lieutenants with the outbreak of war.

[20] See New York (State), Legislature, Senate, Documents of the Senate of the State of New York, vol. 5 (New York: E. Croswell, 1906), 407. New York State Adjutant General Office, “170th roster,” Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the Year … : Registers of the One Hundred and Seventieth Infantry, pdf available online from the New York State Military Museum and Veretans Research Center, 407, notes his surname was transcribed in one instance as O’Lone and in another as Ozone. See also New York (State), Legislature, Assembly, Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York, vol. 45, Ninety-first Session, 1868 (Albany NY: Charles van Benthuysen and Sons, 1868), 397. Frederick Phisterer, New York in the War of the Rebellion, 3d ed. (Albany: J. B. Lyon Company, 1912). The Union army: a history of military affairs in the loyal states, 1861-65 — records of the regiments in the Union army — cyclopedia of battles — memoirs of commanders and soldiers, vol. 2 (Madison, WI: Federal Pub. Co., 1908).

[21] A.C. Garrioch, First Furrows: a history of the early settlement of the Red River country, including that of Portage la Prairie (Winnipeg: Stovel, 1923), 169; A.C. Garrioch, The Correction Line (Winnipeg: Stovel, 1933), 272-274; William Rodney, ‘Kootenai’ Brown: The Unknown Frontiersman (Surrey BC: Heritage House, 1996), 67 (available online at Hammerson Peters, “Shootout at Portage la Prairie,” The Adventures of Kootenai Brown (3/7)- The Canadian Prairies, Great White North website (accessed 6 September 2014). There were three Union soldiers named William Sammon, all were privates. See http://www.itd.nps.gov/cwss/soldiers.cfm. There were 25 soldiers named William Salmon, only two of whom were sergeants – one from Maine, and one from Pennsylvania. Salmon from Maine appears to be the better match.

[22] Garrioch, First Furrows, 169; Garrioch, Correction Line, 272.

[23] Garrioch, First Furrows, 169. Peters, “Shootout at Portage la Prairie.

[24] See “gwiingwa’aage,” the Ojibwe People’s Dictionary online; and “kîhkwahâhkêw,” Nehiyaw Masinahikan, Online Cree Dictionary. Peters, “Shootout at Portage la Prairie,” indicates Kooteny Brown identified the leader as “Chief Starving Wolf,” with a group of “Red Lake Indians from Minnesota.” See also notices in the Nor’-Wester (25 May 1867), 2 column 3, which refer to a dispute between “Wolverine” and settlers at the Portage, as well as to the “Red Lakers … American [First] Nation.”

[25] Garrioch, First Furrows, 169-172; Garrioch, Correction Line, 272-274; see also Hammerson Peters, “Shootout at Portage la Prairie.” The unnamed First Nations man was perhaps killed by John Demarais/ Desmarais, who was convicted of murder and sentenced to hang “for the murder of an Indian,” but for whom a petition was raised seeking mercy — see “General Court,” and “Petition,” Nor’-Wester (25 August 1866), 2. Apparently, Desmarais was spared and moved to Stuart Lake in New Caladonia.

[26] See Peters, “Shootout at Portage la Prairie; and Advertisement, Nor’-Wester (21 December 1868), 3.

[27] Indications are that Schultz maintained a medical masquerade, operating as a quack at best and a conscious fraud at worst. His claims of having an appropriate education do not bear scrutiny: Oberlin College, a collegiate (not a college) in Ohio, “has no record of his attendance.” He did not graduate from Victoria University, Coburg, having registered for only one term. He was not granted a degree by Queen’s University, Kingston, where he registered for two terms. No regular medical institution awarded him a degree, nor granted him a medical license. [Reynolds, “The Man Who Created the Corner of Portage and Main.”]

It is doubtful that Schultz simply “purchased a degree, as it was legal to do at the time,” (as is suggested in one biography) unless from an ‘irregular’ school, because, after 1850, the Licensing Board of Canada West had ensured that tighter regulation than that was in place. To qualify for certification, Schultz would have had to attend an accredited university for three years’ worth of lectures in the Arts and Sciences before attending lectures in the Medical Department of a qualifying university for an additional year. [See Terrie M. Romano, “Professional Identity and the Nineteenth-Century Ontario Medical Profession,” Histoire Sociale/ Social History 28, no. 55 (May 1995), 76-98; and W. Stewart Wallace, A History of the University of Toronto, 1827-1927 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1906), 172.]

It was shortly after arriving in Red River Settlement in 1861 that Schultz began presenting himself as a certified medical practitioner. He attached the prefix “Dr.” to his name in a series of advertisements printed in the Nor’-Wester,  immediately after the death, on 31 May 1861, of Red River’s resident surgeon and coroner, Dr. John Bunn. [See “The Late Dr. Bunn,” Nor’-Wester (1 June 1861), 2; and advertisements, “Dr. Schultz, Physician and Surgeon, Residence, Royal Hotel, Upper Fort Garry,” Nor’-Wester (15 July 1861), 2; (1 August 1861), 2;  (14 September 1861), 4; (1 October 1861) 4; and (15 October 1861), 4.] The advertisements ceased after Dr. Curtis James Bird arrived in the settlement (1861), taking over Dr. Bunn’s practice and the position as coroner (1862). Schultz nevertheless expanded his own practice, setting up shop to dispense pharmaceutical concoctions from his drugstore at the Town of Winnipeg. By 1866 he was advertising anew, in English and French, that “Those wishing to consult Dr. Schultz will be most likely to find him at home after 2 p.m., The poor will be furnished with advice and medicine gratis on Wednesdays and Saturdays by showing a certificate from the Priest or Minister of their Parish declaring them unable to pay.” [See advertisement printed in the Nor’-Wester (25 August 1866), 2.] It can only be hoped that Schultz was not poisoning the poor (or anyone else) on a weekly basis.

[28] John Lennon Sr. was a businessman and horse fancier in the Town of Winnipeg — best known as a saloon keeper. See for example, notice, “Dissolution of Partnership,” New Nation (24 May 1870), 3. On the nickname ‘Lemons,’ see “Sporting Affairs,” New Nation (17 June 1870 [listed as 10 May 1870 at the Manitobia site), 2, in which the reference to ‘Lemons’ displays the use at Red River of trendy North American slang catch phrases — if perhaps a little belatedly. The phrase “go in lemons” was discussed in an article entitled “Live Metaphors,” printed in 1866 in The Galaxy “an illustrated magazine of entertaining reading,” published out of New York. Author George Wakeman explained slang was evidence of creativity in communication as well as of the flexibility of language, but argued (though much of the time with tongue in cheek):

I can imagine no more deplorable object than a pert young lady, who, having spurned such adjectives as “sweet” and “nice” as effeminate, calls everything “gay” and “bully” and pleases her penchant for masculinity by frequent repetition of such phrases as, “Can’t see it!” [and] “Go in lemons!

The latter phrase apparently meant “in full force, or earnestly.” In the Red River context it also served as a play on Lennon’s name.

Lennon fathered a child with Ellen Fraser, named John Lennon Jr., but seems to have deserted Red River in the summer of 1870 — the last advertisement for his saloon appeared in the 30 July edition of the New Nation. Subsequently, Lennon opened a hotel at Pembina, Dakota Territory, U.S., where he resided to at least 1876. He also served as Sheriff of Pembina County before moving to Bismark in 1877. There, he opened a saloon on 4th street. See John Lennon, affidavit, quoted in Debates of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada 3d session, 3d parliament (1876), 812; “Personal,” Bismarck Weekly Tribune (4 April 1877); and notice, Bismarck Tri-weekly Tribune (24 August 1877).

John Lennon Sr. has been confused in some histories with Edward Lennon who opened the first Red Saloon with William Cosgrove in 1871. See “Cosgrove et Lennon. Au Salon Rouge. ‘Red Saloon’,” Le Metis (15 June 1871), 3; Edward Lennon,”A Magistrate’s Reward,” Manitoba Free Press (6 December 1873), 6; and “Dissolution of Partnership,” Manitoba Free Press (24 January 1874), 7. In 1874 a saloon of the name was at the corner of Garry and Assiniboine, by 1875 there was one at Main and Thistle.

[29] See Nor’-Wester (21 December 1868), 3, for Olone and [John] Lennon; Nor’-Wester (22 January 1869), 1; Nor’-Wester (12 February 1869): 1; Nor’-Wester (10 April 1869), 2, for Hugh F. ‘Bob’ Olone; Nor’-Wester (21 April 1869), 3; Nor’-Wester (3 July 1869), 3; Nor’-Wester (24 August 1869), 3; New Nation (14 January 14 1870), 2, 3, for notice of “Olone & Campbell,” and advertisement for same; Notice, New Nation (28 January 1870), reports “Billy” Cosgrove and John Lennon are “fitting up the building between Emmerling’s Hotel and Mr. McKenny’s store for a Saloon ”; New Nation (4 February 1870), 3; New Nation (11 February 1870), 3; New Nation (11 March 1870) 3; New Nation (16 March 1870) 3; New Nation (8 April 1870), 3; “Personal,” New Nation (15 April 1870), 2; New Nation (22 April 1870), 3; New Nation (29 April 1870), 3; New Nation (6 May 1870), 3; “Dissolution of Partnership,” New Nation (17 May 1870), 3, announces the new firm of Olone and Cosgrove; New Nation (24 May 1870), 3, “Olone & Cosgrove” are advertising; New Nation (1 July 1870), 3; New Nation (30 July 1870), 3; New Nation (27 August 1870), 3; New Nation (3 September 1870), 3.

[30] See Reynolds, “The Man Who Created the Corner of Portage and Main,” who notes the saloon was situated near Henry McKenny’s store, “on the 66 feet of disputed ground alongside Drever’s store which had temporarily reverted to Drever [from McKenny] following the 1864 decision of the Council of Assiniboia.” The patch of ground had once been used as a road.

[31] Alexander Begg, Alexander Begg’s Red River journal: and other papers relative to the Red River resistance of 1869-1870, ed. W.L. Morton (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1956), 175. See also Joseph Howe, quoted in William McDougall, “Letter V,” The Red River Rebellion: Eight Letters to Hon. Joseph Howe (Toronto: Hunter, Rose and Company, 1870), 35; and  “Flags and the Red River Resistance,” this site.

[32] Alex McArthur, “On the Causes of the Rising in the Red River Settlement, 1869-70,” MHS Transactions, ser. 1, no. 1 (read 5 October 1882). The displeasure perhaps stemmed from Schultz’s being poorly regarded by the HBC Governor and Council of Assiniboia. First Schultz had run up bad debts. Then he had flouted the Council’s directive that he settle accounts with his creditors, refusing to pay or to serve out his jail sentence — which he avoided by escaping. The HBC governor, William Mactavish, was perhaps annoyed that Schultz’s flag so closely resembled the Company’s own.

[33] Ibid.

[34]Mementos of War,” Maine Memory Network, Maine Historical Society, notes “Soldiers kept many mementos of war — personal effects such as uniforms and weapons, items they found on the battlefield, pieces of regimental flags, items made or found during imprisonment — and many others.” The practice of featuring American flags apparently existed at Red River. Advertisements for W.G. Fonseca, for example suggest his store was known for “the Stars and Stripes.” Additionally, “St. Patrick’s Day,” New Nation (2 April 1870 [listed as 16 March 1870 at the Manitobia site]), 3 column 3, notes “The Legislative Assembly Chamber was used for the occasion and tastefully ornamented with the Provisional Government and other flags.”

[35] See “Mary Sarah ‘Sally’ McDermott Mactavish,” and “Anne ‘Annie’ McDermot Bannatyne,” Provisional Government of Assiniboia site, https://hallnjean2.wordpress.com/.

[36] See “Flags and the Red River Resistance,” Provisional Government of Assiniboia site, https://hallnjean2.wordpress.com/.

[37] Nor’-Wester (13 September 1869), 2. Begg, Alexander Begg’s Red River Journal, 254, 258, 260, 287, 300. The fire engine might have been a new chemical pump model, invented in 1864 by Dr. Frederick Carlier of Paris, France — using the soda-acid principle for extinguishing flames.

[38] John Lennon, affidavit (1876), quoted in Canada, Parliament, House of Commons, Debates of the House of Commons of the Dominion of Canada 3d session, 3d parliament (Ottawa: McLean Roger and Co., 1876), 812.

[39] Alexander Begg, The Creation of Manitoba, Or, A History of the Red River Troubles (Toronto: Hunter, Rose and Company, 1871), 64, lists Hugh Olone among the ‘English Members’ to the council held in the Court House, adjoining Fort Garry — as co-representative for the Town of Winnipeg, with Henry McKenney (whom Begg regarded as an Annexationist). “The Sioux! Winnipeg in Arms! The First Appearance of the Canadian Allies,” Red River Pioneer (1 December 1869), 2 ; Begg, Alexander Begg’s Red River journal,  59, 165.

[40] Begg, Alexander Begg’s Red River Journal, 198, 204, see also 247.

[41] John Stoughton Dennis, Schultz, and apparently additional parties from Portage la Prairie (under Charles Arkoll Boulton) and Point Coupée (under William Dease), planned to attack Upper Fort Garry (and other points) and institute a Canadian-led provisional government (preferably, with William McDougall installed as Lieutenant-Governor of Rupert’s Land). To that end the Canadian Volunteer Militia (paid 6 shillings a day), had been formed under Dennis who made Lower Fort Garry his headquarters. The Volunteers had begun to drill and to prepare uniforms. At Portage la Prairie they practiced under ‘Captain’ Webb — ostensibly at Red River as leader of a survey crew. The Canadian Volunteer Militia did not manage to muster sufficient support within the settlement to carry off an attack. According to Peter McArthur,

The Dominion Government chief engineer, Lindsay Russell, … issued a proclamation calling on all loyal citizens to protect the government property (the pork and beans in Schultz’s store). About forty-five of us, mostly young newcomers, responded; the British flag was raised and oath of loyalty administered. The rest of the 12,000 inhabitants of Red River were not interested for a number of reasons.

The armed Canadian Volunteers ended up barricaded inside Schultz’s drugstore — an indefensible and somewhat ludicrous position. Their activity had been watched from Upper Fort Garry. ‘Fort Schultz’ was surrounded and A.G.B. Bannatyne passed a note to those inside with an order “to give up their arms and surrender themselves. Their lives will be spared should they comply. In case of refusal, all the English half-breeds and other natives, women and children, are at liberty to depart unmolested.” Within 15 minutes, the Canadians opted to surrender. See Joseph Howe, letter, in Red River Insurrection. Hon. Wm. McDougall’s Conduct Reviewed (Montreal: John Lovell, 1870), 38-39; Canada, Sessional Papers vol. 5, 3d session, no. 12 (1870), 62, 64-68, 71, 77, 81-82, 90, 92-94, 107-109, 111-116, 118, 120-121; “Dr. Schultz,” New Nation (29 April 1870), 1.

[42] See “Personal,” New Nation (15 April 1870), 2.

[43] See “Definition: Legislative Assembly,” “Bills passed by the Legislative Assembly of Assiniboia,” and “Laws of the Provisional Government of Assiniboia, passed by the Legislative Assembly and President,” Provisional Government of Assiniboia site, https://hallnjean2.wordpress.com/.

[44]  Session 1, Day 8: 24 March, has the swearing of the oath. Olone is also mentioned: on Session 1, Day 1: 9 March as present; Session 1, Day 3: 16 March, seconding Thomas Bunn’s motion “That the Government of England, the Canadian Government, and the Hudson Bay Company, have ignored our rights as British subjects, when they entered into arrangements on the subject of the transfer of the Government of the North-West to the Dominion of Canada; without consulting the wishes of the people of the North-West Territory”; Session 1, Day 4: 18 March, seconding a motion put forward by Alfred H. Scott to amend the preamble to the provisional government’s constitution in order to make clear the legitimacy of the government; Session 2, Day 1: 26 April , seconder of E.H.G.G. Hay’s motion that the law committee “should work on during the present session, and that in the meantime that portion of the report already presented be taken up by the House”; Session 2, Day 2: 27 April, Olone reported that no one in the Town of Winnipeg was particularly concerned about the hay privilege in the area and that the arrangement of lots in the town would complicate determining rights to any hay privilege; Session 2, Day 3: 28 April, seconded a motion by W.B. O’Donaghue that “the first five sub-sections leaving the balance of the Article [II under ‘Administration of Justice’] … be dealt with separately as it would require attention”; Session 2, Day 4: 29 April, seconded a motion by Thomas Bunn, to adopt Article IV, with an alternation of wording “made so as to enable the District Courts to dispose of cases of debt of ten pounds and under”; Session 2, Day 8: 4 May, seconded an amendment by O’Donoghue, “that all wholesale [liquor] licenses shall be granted by the President of the Fort Garry District Court on the first week day in June and the first week day in December, and on no other day”; Session 2, Day 11: 7 May, seconded a motion by Aguste Harrison, to accept a report submitted by President Riel for consideration by the Assembly on the establishment of a senate.

[45]Photography,” New Nation (3 May 1870), 1.

[46] Advertisement, New Nation (24 May 1870), 3. William Cosgrove appears to have arrived in the settlement in 1870. No link has been established, but apparently, in the first half of the 19th century, a William Cosgrove and two brothers “located at lot 15, con. 14,” Simcoe County, Ontario. William and his brother Archibald “had wayside taverns on the Main Road.” William’s was named “The fortune of War.” The brothers might have been Irish. See Andrew Hunter, “Chapter Two, West Gwillimbury” A Voice From the Past website (accessed 10 September 2014).

[47]Dr. Schultz,” New Nation (29 April 1870), 1; “Schultz at Mischief again: He Tries to get our Delegates Mobbed and Lynched at Toronto,” New Nation (6 May 1870); “Our Victory!!New Nation (6 May 1870), 2, reports that delegates Ritchot and Scott were finally released from jail in Ottawa; “Burst!New Nation (6 May 1870), 2, asserts the indignation meetings in Toronto came to nothing; “News from the Delegates,” New Nation (6 May 1870), 2, notes a telegraph has arrived, things are progressing smoothly, and “Delegates from the Provisional Government receive full recognition and respect by the Canadian Government”; “The Fizzle at Ottawa,” New Nation (6 May 1870), 2, reports an indignation meeting failed”; The Mail Summary,” New Nation (13 May 1870), 2; “Schultz & Mair and Their Associates Advocate Mob Law at Toronto to Lynch Our Delegates,” New Nation (13 May 1870), 1; “The Toronto Telegraph’s Own Correspondent,” New Nation (23 July 1870), 2 columns 34.

See also “Indignation Meeting,” Toronto Globe (4 April 1870), 1, moved “That the murder of Scott, and the probability of further bloodshed, require meetings to be held to express the indignation of the Dominion at the treatment of loyal Canadians in Red River, and that the occasion of the expected arrival of Drs. Schultz and Lynch, and the presence of Messrs. Mair and Setter, should be glady taken advantage of to express the popular sympathy with the cause which these gentlemen have represented in the North-West, and with the loyal people there”; “Indignation Meeting. Immense Crowd. Great Enthusiasm … Resolution Passed Against Receiving Riel’s Delegates,” Toronto Daily Globe (7 April 1870), 1, reports the mayor introduced Schultz, who was “received with tumultuous applause” but subsequently “Hundreds of voices cried out that the whole thing was a ‘fizzle’.” Eventually, “the gallant Major Boulton” was also introduced. A Mr. Cameron advised all to “express the sympathy and admiration they felt for the men who placed so far from civilization … yet had the hardihood and courage to maintain the rights of Britain against long odds … He (Mr. Cameron), was satisfied that Dr. Schultz, Dr. Lynch, Mr. Mair and Mr. Setter and that gallant young man, Major Boulton, … would feel a manly pride in the reception given them tonight”; “Who are the Fanatics?” Toronto Daily Globe (14 April 1870), 2, notes the Quebec Journal argued “It is evident that the business [of confederation] was about to be arranged at the moment we learned of the murder of Scott. Let us hope that this unfortunate incident will not retard the solution of the question — that the Government will not listen to the appeals for a war of extermination which proceeds from Upper Canada. Their journals have long since revealed the cause of their indignation. There are there inhabitants of French origin and that deranges the plans of the people of Upper Canada”; “Large and Enthusiastic Indignation Meeting at Kingston,” Toronto Daily Globe (16 April 1870), 4; ‘”Important from Red River,” and “The Red River Delegates. Magisterial Examination [21 April],” Toronto Globe (22 April 1870), 1, the first article notes “The people of the country are almost united in the desire that the mission of the delegates to Ottawa may be successful, and that amicable arrangements may result from their deliberations,” while the second article notes the large crowd gathered at the courthouse where Alfred H. Scott and N.-J. Ritchot were to answer charges of murder; “Latest from Ottawa,” Toronto Globe (2 May 1870), 1, reports “Father Ritchot and Judge Black met Sir George Cartier to-day [30 April] at his private residence to discuss the details of the North-West Bill”; “Presentation to D. Schultz,” Toronto Daily Globe (19 May 1870), 3.

[48] On the arrest and incarceration of the delegates see  Great Britain, Parliament, House of Commons, “Correspondence Relative to the Recent Disturbances in the Red River Settlement,” Accounts and Papers of the House of Commons, session 8 February -10 August 1870, vol. 50, Colonies and British Possessions continued vol. 10 (London: William Clowes and Sons, 1870), 110, 117-124, 126, 127-128, 129, 133, 154; N.J. Ritchot, translation, “The Journal of Reverend N.-J. Ritchot, March 24 to May 28, 1870,” in Manitoba, Birth of a Province, ed. W.L. Morton (Winnipeg: Manitoba Record Society, 1965), 132-135;  “Arrival, News of the Delegates,” New Nation (2 April 1870 [listed as 16 March 1870 at the Manitobia site]), 2; and New Nation articles cited in n. immediately above.

[49] Session 3, Day 1: 23 June and Session 3, Day 2: 24 June.

[50] Manitoba News-Letter (1 February 1871), 1.

[51] See James P. Maher, Index to Marriages and Deaths in the New York Herald: 1871-1876 vol. 4 (2006), 541.

[52] A.H. de Tremaudan, “Notes and Comments: Louis Riel’s Account of the Capture of Fort Garry, 1870,” The Canadian Historical Review, 5 no. 1 (March 1924), 146 and n.1, comments that Hugh F. Olone was, with the majority of the French representatives and A.H. Scott of Winnipeg, in favour of stopping the Canadian troops if they were not carrying an amnesty proclamation, but that Riel refused to sanction the action. See also Ruth Swan, “‘Unequal Justice’: The Metis in O’Donoghue’s Raid of 1871,” Manitoba History 39 (spring/summer 2000). Manitoba Free Press (10 May 1873), 8. When the Red Saloon advertised its inception in 1873, there was no Olone in Red River to be its proprietor. Also “Troop Socials,” St. Vincent Memories blog.

[53] Begg, Alexander Begg’s Red River Journal, 177, 182-183.

[54] See “Aftermath: The ‘Reign of Terror’,” Provisional Government of Assiniboia site, https://hallnjean2.wordpress.com/.

[55] Joseph F. Tennant Rough Times, 1870-1920: a souvenir of the 50th anniversary of the Red River Expedition and the formation of the Province of Manitoba (n.p, 1920), 79, might be another instance of mistaken identity (see n. 28 above regarding Joseph Lennon and Edward Lennon). See also notice of death of Dennis ‘Denny’ Lennon, Winnipeg Tribune (11 December 1919), 5.

[56] Tennant Rough Times, 1870-1920, 79; and “Aftermath: The ‘Reign of Terror’,” Provisional Government of Assiniboia site, https://hallnjean2.wordpress.com/.

[57] La Société historique de Saint-Boniface, ‘Hugh F. Olone,’ Family Group Sheet (18 September 2010). See also James P. Maher, Index to Marriages and Deaths in the New York Herald: 1871-1876 vol. 4 (2006), 541. The trial held after the theft was reported in the New-York Tribune (17 June 1841).

Other New York Olones and possible relatives include: New York Times mentions a Pat Olone as involved in a fatal  brawl 7 July 1856 (see 2nd last column) http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9B0CEEDD1339E134BC4F53DFB166838D649FDE; Michel Olone, blacksmith, 213 Wooster? see John Doggett, Doggett’s New York City Directory (1848) http://books.google.ca/books?id=LZQ-AAAAYAAJ&dq=margaret%20olone%20new%20york&pg=PT296#v=onepage&q&f=false. For Michael and John Olone, 20 and 24 yrs old, see, Ira Glazier, Famine Immigrants:  List of Irish Immigrants Arriving at the Port of New York, 1846-1851: October 1849-May 1850 (Genealogical Pub. Co., 1985), 404; John Olone, County antrim age 28 in 1851 census http://www.the-e-site.com/irish/ANTRIM/Census/1851/1851-census-fragments-for-dunaghy.html.

[58] “New York, State Census, 1855,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/K67L-9MJ: accessed 05 Sep 2014), Mary O’Lone, E.D. 4, Ward 22, New York City, New York, New York, United States; citing Secretary of State; FHL microfilm 1018665.

[59] University of Notre Dame Archives, Calendar, II-4-l – A.L.S. – 3pp.8vo. – {5}, Letter, Olone, John J.: New York, (New York)  to O(restes) A. Brownson: Boston, (Massachusetts), dated 2 May 1851, summary: “He hopes that Brownson will excuse the liberty he takes in writing him. Knowing Brownson’s constant readiness to forward the cause of learning and religion, however, he informs him that he and others, all Catholics, have united themselves for the purpose of more effectively contributing to their own mental and moral improvement; and have formed an association for debating purposes. The association has unanimously adopted the name of the ‘Brownson Association.’ They wish to know if this selection meets with Brownson’s approval, and if he will give them some information as to what rules should govern the association, and what subjects to discuss. They will be highly honored if the name of the association is approved by Brownson, and they assure him that they will endeavor to do honor to the name their association bears.”

[60] Index to Marriages and Deaths in the New York Herald: 1871-1876, 541.

[61] “United States Census, 1880,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/MZX4-L1W : accessed 06 Sep 2014), Robt Mc Laughlin, New York, New York, New York, United States; citing sheet 28B, NARA microfilm publication T9.

[62] “Died,” New York Times (29 September 1862), “MCLAUGHLIN. — On Saturday, Sept. 27, of wounds received in the late battle of Manassas, CHARLES J., son of Robert McLaughlin, aged 22 years. His friends, and those of his brother-in-law, John J. Olone, and the members of the Tenth Regiment, N.Y.V., now in this City, are respectfully invited to attend his funeral, from No. 655 7th-av., at 1 1/2 o’clock on Monday, the 29th inst.” On R.H. McLaughline, see also http://manitobia.ca/content/en/newspapers/NNT/1870/02/04/3/Ar00314.xml/Olive?query=mclaughlin%2BAND%2Blanguage%3Aen%2BAND%2Bdoctype%3Anewspapers%2BAND%2BdisplayTitle%3A%22New%2BNation%22. Perhaps, like Olone, he vacated Winnipeg before the arrival of the RREF — see http://manitobia.ca/content/en/newspapers/NNT/1870/08/13/3/Ar00311.xml/Olive?query=mclaughlin%2BAND%2BdisplayTitle%3A%22New%2BNation%22 — but apparently was back for the census.

[63] Gouldings New York City Directory (1877), 1086; New York Times (5 December 1878), http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9B07E1D7153EE63BBC4D53DFB4678383669FDE

[64] New York Times (19 February 1908). http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9B00E2D7173EE233A2575AC1A9649C946997D6CF; “United States Census, 1880,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/MZX4-L1W : accessed 05 Sep 2014), Robt Mc Laughlin, New York, New York, New York, United States; citing sheet 28B, NARA microfilm publication T9.

[65] 1880 United States Census: New York, New York (Manhattan); New York City-Greater, New York.

[66] “Died,” New York Times (30 April 1863). New York Herald – Births Deaths Marriages Index. Note: also lists Margarite Louisa (4 June 1860) and Mary Catherine (22 April 1860).

[67] “New York Obituaries – 1864 – John Joseph O’Lone,” New York Times (Tuesday, 26 January 1864).

[68] Gouldings New York City Directory (1877), 1086. “United States Census, 1880,” index and images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/MZ6T-Q86 : accessed 05 Sep 2014), James O’Lone, New York, New York, New York, United States; citing sheet 331A, NARA microfilm publication T9.

[69]Died,” New York Times (15 June 1864; 16 June 1864).

~~~

Published 7 March 2011; revised 8 September 2014

5 Responses to Hon. Hugh Francis Olone, Town of Winnipeg

  1. Joseph Maghe says:

    There is a photo taken during the Civil War of Hugh F O’Lone on my facebook page entitled The Irish in America’s Civil War Memorial… his image is in the photo album selection entitled Corcoran’s Irish Legion.

    • hallnjean says:

      UTTERLY FANTASTIC. Finding out there is a phote made my day/week/month for some time to come.

      Cheers, Norma

  2. Joseph Maghe says:

    Some leads for you to pursue… In the book “The Honors of the Empire State” , page 202 makes reference to “Olone H. F., 69th NYSM. At the first battle of Bull Run, his bravery was surpassed by none.”
    The “Annual report of the Chief Engineer of the Fire Department” 1858 states there was one Hugh F Olone, badge # 2735 who was a gilder by occupation & was living at 135 Leroy Street. This man was a member of National Engine Company #3…
    Hopefully someone may be able to find more information.

    • hallnjean says:

      Many thanks for this Joseph — the fire department info fits nicely, given Hugh helped set up the brigade in Winnipeg.

  3. Pingback: Kootenai Brown- The Canadian Prairies

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